While remaining detached from politics and playing a nonpartisan role in political process, His Majesty the King, as the constitutional monarch, possesses "the right to be consulted, the right to encourage, and the right to warn."

Thus, on April 25, 2006, as the country was embroiled in what was seen as its worst constitutional crisis and no apparent way out in sight, His Majesty timely stepped in to provide a guiding light to defuse the crisis.

In his most direct political message, His Majesty separately told judges of the Supreme and Administrative courts to explore all legal solutions to bring the country out of what he described as a "political mess". His Majesty said the election which produced a one-party parliament was undemocratic, and rejected calls by opponents of then Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra that a royally-appointed premier be named to replace Thaksin, pointing out that such an appointment was undemocratic.

"Please consult with the people who govern the country. Please consult with the Supreme Court, the Appeals Court, the Criminal Court and with the other courts. It will help the country to be governed by democratic rule. Do not wait for a royally-appointed prime minister because that would not be democratic," His Majesty told the Supreme Court judges.

"You are Supreme Court judges with clear heads that can think of a method to work this out. The administration must have a House with a full quorum. If not, it would not be functional. I feel that establishing a House which lacks a quorum would only mess it up."

To the Administrative Court judges, His Majesty raised the legitimacy of the April 2 election. "Another point is whether it was right to dissolve the House and call for snap elections within 30 days. If it was not the right decision, it must be corrected. Should the election be nullified? You have the right to say what is appropriate or not. If it is not appropriate, it is not that the government is not good but as far as I am concerned, a one-party election is not normal. The one-candidate situation is undemocratic.

" Before the King's critically timely "intervention", Bangkok was beset with almost daily mass protests mainly by middleclass urbanites under the banner of People's Alliance for Democracy urging His Majesty to invoke Article 7 of the Constitution to appoint a prime minister to replace Mr Thaksin. Counter-demonstrations, meanwhile, were organised by Thaksin supporters urging him to stay on. In light of the political divide, the government decided to dissolve the House and the Election Commission scheduled snap elections for April 2. However, the election was boycotted by the Opposition, claiming it was too hasty and caught them unprepared.

As a response to His Majesty's "words of wisdom" on April 25, senior judges of the Constitution, Supreme Administrative and Supreme courts met to discuss "legal solutions" to the political mess. On May 8, the Constitution Court ruled that the repositioning of polling booths by the Election Commission, which was found to have compromised the confidentiality of the voters, and the way the snap elections was held in a hasty manner "were unconstitutional". The Court thus nullified the April 2 election.

Thanks to the King's intervention, a solution to the messy snap elections was found. It was not the first time His Majesty the King intervened to diffuse a political crisis. Fourteen years ago in May, His Majesty stepped in to bring the country back to normal following what is now known as the "Black May" events.

After several days of mayhem in Bangkok which saw street demonstrators being brutally cracked down by troops, His Majesty the King summoned political rivals — then prime minister Suchinda Kraprayoon and Major-General Chamlong Srimuang — to Chitralada Palace on May 20, 1992. Televised live, a relieved nation looked on as His Majesty, seated serenely on a sofa, spoke calmly as he explained why he had called the meeting and the consequences its outcome could have for the nation.

"The reason I asked you to come to this meeting may not surprise you. There has been an unfathomable loss of public confidence and morale, along with a serious loss of credibility to this nation's economy ...

" Nowadays, people everywhere are apprehensive that there will be a catastrophe, that the nation is headed towards a complete collapse, and it will be most difficult to stop things from going that way."

His Majesty asked Suchinda and Chamlong, both seated at his feet, a rhetorical question, which undoubtedly resonated with the entire nation: "Can there ever be a winner? Of course not. It is very dangerous. There will only be losers. That's it. Everyone is a loser. Each side in the confrontation is a loser."

During the week leading up to the historic meeting at Chitralada Palace, Bangkok had been besieged daily with large demonstrations. Mainly urban middle-class people were calling for the resignation of Prime Minister Suchinda as they felt that under his leadership the country's democratic institutions were being undermined. At one point, the otherwise peaceful demonstrations being led by Chamlong turned violent. Believing that the crowds were trying to approach the royal residence at Dusit Palace, soldiers with orders from the government opened fire on the unarmed demonstrators with small arms and water cannons. Thousands tried to flee, several were killed, and many more were injured as they fled in panic. Eventually, martial law was imposed. Until His Majesty stepped in, it seemed possible that the situation might deteriorate even further.

Suchinda and Chamlong agreed to His Majesty's request for conciliation and the violence that had been tearing the country apart ended just as abruptly as it had begun. Suchinda resigned and was replaced by interim Prime Minister Anand Panyarachun. With the crisis averted, His Majesty refocused his attention away from politics and back to his ongoing efforts to promote national development.

Historically, His Majesty had largely steered clear of playing a role in national politics. But for the good of the people and the country, the King intervened in a time of crisis and was able to readily avert impending conflict and instability.

Thongthong Chandrangsu, then a lecturer of law at Chulalongkorn University, said in an August 1995 interview that His Majesty's intervention came later than many people might have expected. His Majesty felt uncomfortable about giving orders to a government that was still in power. He said His Majesty believed that intervention had to come at the right time or it would not be effective.

The Thai government and its citizens have a long history of seeking His Majesty's help to solve problems and avert national crises. In 1973, in the wake of what is now known as the "October 14 Uprising", His Majesty personally intervened to restore peace and order to the political realm.

It was apparent in 1973 that public discontent with the dictatorial regime of Field Marshal Thanom Kittikachorn was increasing. Widespread sugar shortages and alleged abuses of power by the regime and its cronies appear to have fuelled the dissent. The crisis reached a boiling point on October 6 when police arrested 13 activists and student leaders for publicly demanding a return to democratic rule. Large-scale demonstrations took place at Thammasat University to demand the release of those arrested. A new constitution was drafted on campus and distributed throughout Bangkok.

As Prime Minister, Field Marshal Thanom sought an audience with His Majesty to brief him on the situation and to seek his advice. His Majesty expressed his wish that the authorities avoid the use of force and urged the government to seek a peaceful resolution.

On October 13 the government submitted to all the protesters' demands. However, many demonstrators did not trust the government's promises and tensions persisted. Student leaders turned to His Majesty for advice. The students were told to be satisfied with their gains and to disperse. Finally, an agreement was drafted and signed by both parties. Throughout the crisis, His Majesty played the role of the father of the people, counselling and mediating conflicts. Nonetheless, a peaceful end to the conflict had not been predestined.

In the early morning of October 14, a fight broke out between a group of student demonstrators and policemen. Police, who thought the retreating crowds were moving toward Chitralada Palace, used tear gas and batons to try to get them to disperse. In the melee, many demonstrators were forced to flee toward the palace grounds. His Majesty ordered the palace gates opened and allowed some 2,000 demonstrators to take shelter there.

Meanwhile, rumours spread all over Bangkok that the army and the police had attacked and killed the demonstrators. Violence flared as protesters, many of them vocational students, fought back with makeshift weapons and set fire to government buildings and public buses. By the following day Field Marshal Thanom, Field Marshal Praphas Charusathian (deputy PM and interior minister) and Colonel Narong Kittikachorn (Thanom's son and Praphas' son-in-law) resigned under pressure and left the country.

In this highly charged and unstable atmosphere, His Majesty intervened with a dramatic television appearance. His words effectively reassured the nation that the crisis had subsided and let each citizen know that Thanom, Praphas and Narong had decided to leave the country.

LEFT TO RIGHT: Senior judges of the Supreme, Constitution and Supreme Administrative courts meet to discuss ways to end the political crisis. A protester dons a headband with a portrait of His Majesty the King during an anti-Thaksin rally held by the People’s Alliance for Democracy.

CLOCKWISE FROM LEFT: His Majesty the King addresses Thai diplomats upon their return home to attend a seminar on economic development. Two main rivals during the> Black May event, General Suchinda Kraprayoon and Maj Gen Chamlong Srimuang, were summoned to an audience with His Majesty in order to restore peace to the country. The Royal Family visits wounded soldiers in a field hospital during the war against Communist insurgents in the 1970s. The Royal Family visits students who escape from the police and take temporary refuge at Chitralada Palace during the October 14 uprising in 1973. Attired in military fatigues, His Majesty visits a rural village to inspect Royallysponsored development projects.

His Majesty appointed one of his privy councillors, Prof Sanya Dharmasakdi, as interim prime minister. His Majesty's decision was unprecedented because it was the first time he had taken a direct role in the political process.

During the swearing-in of the new prime minister and his cabinet, His Majesty seemed cautiously optimistic: "The events of the past week have brought about real and substantial changes. A model form of government is desired, so that all can reside here with dignity, security and pride. Now that democracy has been won through struggle, it is hoped that the government will give us a truly democratic representation and that a constitution will be promulgated within six months.

"Simultaneously, the machinery of government has fallen into disarray. Peacekeeping, the cleansing of the spirit and body, has passed from the government to the public. It is therefore this government's special responsibility to see that all its normal functions revert to it. Official functions must be discharged by the government if objectives of democracy, prosperity, and the good of the majority are to be fulfilled.

"Through democracy, we elect members of parliament who, in turn, elect members of the government responsible to them. At this juncture, however, the council of ministers is not elected by the people. I nominate them, as befitting the present situation."

The task of nation-building in this situation was most definitely in the hands of His Majesty. There was a gradual return to normalcy interrupted by occasional demonstrations. His Majesty worked closely with the Sanya Dharmasakdi government to restore power to the people. In order to achieve this, a convention of people representing all walks of life was established. His Majesty called on them to "bring about a National Legislative Assembly which shall truly represent interests, occupations, professions as well as the spectrum of views and opinions in our country".

By December 28, 1973, the National Legislative Assembly had been chosen. Its first session was opened by His Majesty. In his address, he declared his wish for a democratic state that worked for the benefit of the people: "I am most grati- fied to have seen that the election result has brought together people from various groups and walks of life who normally conduct their business quite far apart from one another. They will now have to come together in this assembly session in order to exchange and listen to one another's points of view and to derive decisions from these discussions which will be beneficial to our beloved country."

With these words, His Majesty once again stepped back and returned political power to the people.

His Majesty cautiously intervened in politics once again in 1976 after the October 6 massacre of student protesters which resulted in the collapse of then-prime minister Seni Pramoj's government. A list of three potential candidates for the premiership was submitted to the palace for consideration. The first, Dr Prakob Hutasingh, then deputy president of the Privy Council, was dropped due to concerns that his appointment might create an impression of palace dominance in politics. The second candidate, Bangkok Governor Thamnoon Thien-ngern, was dropped out of concern that his appointment might create an impression of palace bias. The third candidate, Thanin Kraivixien, a Supreme Court judge, was finally chosen. Political scientist Surachart Bamrungsuk once said that His Majesty's successful diffusion of national crises have made him an important force in the country's political development. But he warned that there were dangers in involving His Majesty too much in the democratisation process.

Dr Prawase Wasi, a highly respected social critic, agreed that His Majesty was "an invaluable national resource" whose credibility could influence civil society to effectively solve conflicts.

"We must try to build a civil society where everyone cooperates — from the grassroots, including NGOs, academics, government officials and businessmen — to weave a selfless society in which His Majesty acts as a catalyst for generating compassion," Dr Prawase said.

ML Usni Pramoj, a privy councillor, said he believed it was His Majesty's baramee (charisma; respect and loyalty earned by the performance of good deeds) that his words are heeded and obeyed by all parties during times of conflict. "Everyone feels krengjai toward His Majesty [treats His Majesty with deference; unwilling to disturb him], and he is loved by everyone. When His Majesty's advice is offered and not accepted, there will be misfortune. His Majesty does not want anything in return for his advice. His interest is only the good of the people. You cannot find this kind of advice from anyone else," he said.

ML Usni recalls a BBC interview during which His Majesty told a journalist that he was the greatest communist because he acts not for personal or political gain but only for the happiness of his people and the betterment of their livelihoods.

In response to a question about his role in choosing prime ministers, His Majesty told Leaders magazine, "We go back to the principle of the constitution for a moment. In the constitution it is written that the King appoints the prime minister. This is a system in which, perhaps, the experience of a king can be of use in looking for people who would be suitable for prime minister. The president of parliament will come and have a consultation, but the king may have more power because the people have faith in their king. That is one aspect.

"But in principle it is exactly the same as any constitutional monarch when there is a constitution which says

LEFT TO RIGHT: Students hold portraits of His Majesty the King and Her Majesty the Queen during mass demonstrations against the regime of Field Marshall Thanom Kittikachorn in 1973. Then prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra calls on Privy Council President General Prem Tinsulanonda after dissolving the House and calling a snap election on April 2.