As Indonesia announced the winner of its presidential elections on July 22, Thailand heralded its own provisional constitution that guarantees the absolute power of the coup makers in coming years.
By the time Joko Widodo, better known as Jokowi, and his running mate Jusuf Kalla are sworn in in October as the seventh president and vice-president of the world's fourth-most populous nation, Thailand should have an interim government formed by the junta.
Life has always been a contradiction.
The world's largest Muslim nation and largest Southeast Asian economy is ushering in a president-elect; the second-largest economy in the region, which used to be a role model for democratic societies, is living under martial law imposed by a military junta.
Indonesians do not have a perfect democracy — no nation does. But at least they choose to struggle in their turbulent electoral democratic system. Even with Jokowi announced as the winner, his opponent Prabowo Subianto declared he would challenge the outcome in the courts.
The rise of democracy in Indonesia comes as something of a surprise considering the country is made up of over 18,000 islands, some far-flung, speaking different languages or practising different religions, such as in Bali. But they exercise their vote, up to 500 times a year, choosing representatives from community to regional to national levels.
Thailand on the other hand seems to have given up on democracy after the 19th coup in the 82-year parliamentary history, claiming to reset the nation under the guidance of "wise and virtuous men and women" who mostly fall into the category of khaki or green military suits.
After 105 years under Dutch rule and three more under Japanese occupation, the first president of Indonesia, Sukarno, introduced Guided Democracy and ruled the ethnically diverse archipelago nation for 22 years before General Suharto claimed power with an iron fist for 31 years.
The Indonesian "reformasi" started only 16 years ago, and the country’s July 9 elections were not without controversy. The 53-year-old Jokowi, the Jakarta governor, beat rival Prabowo Subianto by just over six percentage points.
It must be a thrilling exercise for a country that usually saw members of the political and military elite elected as presidents to have their first leader from outside the establishment.
It will be interesting to see how this local politician portrayed as a humble businessman will tussle with the massive arcane bureaucracy to kick-start liberalisation and drive economic growth while trying to appeal to minority factions in parliament.
As the biggest economy and most populous nation in Southeast Asia, Indonesia still wields subtle hegemonic power as the Asean Economic Community nears.
Jokowi’s critics and doubters have ample time to pick him apart if he sways too far to one side. Is he a real reformer or an opportunist? Does he support the poor and middle class or is he too ready to compromise with the military and corporations?
Some are already calling him "Jokobama" — a play on Obama, who beat the odds to become the first non-white president of the world's lone superpower but has lost popularity in his second term.
People living in Southeast Asia outside of Indonesia should also care about Jokowi as the region tries to take a more collective voice in addressing the world while dealing with political and economic challenges.
The same applies to Thailand, though our dear leader and those with notions that "I know better than you" continue to claim that non-Thais cannot understand the situation and do not care about the prosperity of the nation and the well-being of its citizens.
Whether you live inside this region or not, we all have a stake in defending our humanity and standing up for basic human rights that are universal to all. We have a stake in restoring the shattered confidence in this part of the world.
Although some confidence has returned after Thailand’s interim constitution was put in place, several questions remain about many of the clauses in the charter. The interim charter has a provision that provides for the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) unprecedented special powers independent of the prime minister (who is yet to be appointed by the junta), and these powers are without checks and balances.
The NCPO is empowered to issue laws, orders and even overturn court decisions, making the current Thai military even more autocratic than its predecessors.
These are the times when businesses and civilians have to tell the junta there cannot be sustainable socio-economic prosperity for the people unless transparency and accountability are followed. These principles, in the name of good governance, only work well in an environment that respects checks and balances.