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This column covers "developing stories" meaning that you can expect additional stories on the same subject in the near future. The material that follows was written using much of the same language as your Bangkok Post writers use in their stories. March 08, 2005

LOCAL Is he or isn’t he? Critics often accuse the prime minister of being dictatorial, but there are real limits to his power Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, left, visits Gen Prem Tinsulanonda at the Privy Council chairman's Sisao Theves residence. The visit came after Gen Prem called on all concerned to follow His Majesty the King's suggestion in solving southern violence. Here’s an interesting exercise. Try a Google search on terms like “Thaksin dictator” or “Thaksin dictatorship”. You might be surprised at how often you see the Thai prime minister associated with authoritarian rule in the eyes of the world. Is there any truth to this perception? Well, you can certainly make a case for it. In fact, many of Thaksin Shinawatra’s local critics are doing just that. Last week, a long-time Thaksin nemesis from the academic community, Ajarn Thirayuth Boonmi, went so far as to compare the prime minister with a famous dictator of old, Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat. Critics generally make their case by pointing to Mr Thaksin’s obsession with building a huge parliamentary majority by assimilating smaller parties and encouraging opposition politicians to defect. They also say he selects only “yes men” for his cabinet and he is now even trying to circumvent that body by drafting a decree that would allow him to make important decisions with the agreement of only one other minister. Just as worrisome, they say, has been Mr Thaksin’s success in packing the top echelons of the military and the police with his friends and associates. Last week, the US government provided additional ammunition to the prime minister’s detractors in its annual report on human rights. It viewed with alarm the pressure on the news media to toe the government line, citing the threat of lawsuits and the large investments in local media organisations by people with strong political connections. Another common complaint is that Mr Thaksin acts like a dictator, making decisions without listening to others and then refusing to accept criticism. One disastrous result, critics say, has been his counterproductive military-based strategy in the South, a subject that received much discussion in the US report. So, is Mr Thaksin guilty as charged? Not according to the prime minister himself who has repeatedly pointed to his large electoral victories as proof to the contrary. But you could also make the case that even if Mr Thaksin wanted to be a dictator — something he vehemently denies — Thai society wouldn’t let him. The opposition may be greatly weakened, but it is very active and its leaders still have reasonable access to the media, especially the print media. The opposition also won all the parliamentary seats in the troubled southern area — a clear rebuff to Mr Thaksin’s policy — so it can’t be ignored. Similarly, the critics are far too numerous and influential to be ignored. Most prominent among are members of the Privy Council, including its revered president, Gen Prem Tinsulanonda. Last week, Gen Prem very publicly urged Mr Thaksin to heed His Majesty the King’s advice by taking a more compassionate and informed approach to solving the problems in the South. All this is clearly having an effect. Even before Gen Prem spoke, the prime minister announced that he would call a rare joint session of Parliament to explore ways of ending the violence in the South. He also announced the formation of a high-profile independent National Reconciliation Commission (NRC) to be headed by former Prime Minister Anand Panyarachun. He promised that the chairman would have a free hand in picking NRC members. Mr Anand promptly announced that the NRC would welcome opposition politicians, but it would be strictly non-partisan in nature with its members representing a wide variety of viewpoints. This does not sound much like an initiative typical of a dictatorship. Instead, it sounds very much like an elected leader meeting the demands of a powerful constituency. There are still critics — the Bangkok Post’s Sanitsuda Ekachai among them — who complain this is merely spin, giving the impression of openness of conciliation without really meaning it. But even she admits that Mr Thaksin does have to listen and react to what people are demanding. It’s tough to be a real dictator in this country. authoritarian controlling everything; believing that people should obey authority and rules, even when they lose personal freedom nemesis a person (or situation, event, etc.) who causes you serious harm perception an idea or belief as a result of how you see or understand something obsession spending too much time thinking about or trying to get assimilating taking into a group defect to leave one group or organisation to join another circumvent to find a way of avoiding drafting writing; preparing decree an official order from a ruler or a government that becomes the law echelons  levels or ranks within an organisation ammunition information that can be used against another person in an argument detractor a critic toe the government line to say or do what the government wants citing mentioning as a reason counterproductive having the opposite effect as the one intended vehemently showing strong emotions rebuff a rejection; an unkind refusal revered highly respected heed to pay careful attention to someone’s advice or warning compassionate feeling or showing sympathy for people who are suffering joint session of Parliament a meeting in which both Houses of Parliament attend high-profile receiving or involving a lot of attention non-partisan not supporting the ideas of one particular political party or group of people initiative a plan for dealing with a particular problem constituency a particular group in society spin a way of presenting information so that it seems to make your ideas seem good conciliation the willingness to end a disagreement

Is democracy on the march? There is no way of knowing, says one prominent columnist The world seems awash these days in relatively positive news concerning victories for the forces Protesters wave Lebanese flags as others climb on Beirut's Martyr's Monument. In a show of mass support for the opposition, about 10,000 people recently defied a protest ban and demonstrated in central Beirut, calling for Syria to withdraw its army from Lebanon. of democracy. Supporters of US President George Bush are saying that he is the one who deserves the credit. That controversial idea was the subject of a very interesting article by the well-known Internet columnist Fred Kaplan (www.slate.com) last week. Here is how it began: “Could George W. Bush be right? Is freedom indeed ‘on the march’? Did the war in Iraq uncork a white tornado that’s whooshing democracy across the region and beyond? In just the past two months, free elections were held in Palestine and Iraq; a rigged election was overturned and an honest one re-held in Ukraine; the Egyptian president pledged to hold competitive elections soon, too; and a popular uprising against Syria’s occupation of Lebanon forced Beirut’s puppet government to resign.” While there may seem to be an abundance of evidence that Mr Bush’s risky foray into Iraq may be paying off elsewhere, Kaplan is not totally willing to make that connection. That would be “a huge stretch”, he says. At the same time, it would be “churlish” not to give the US president any credit at all. It is true, he says, that the democratic forces in each country had their own independent reasons for acting, but it may also be true that “the participants in one country have been inspired to take action, at least in part, by the example of participants in other countries.” However, the key point to remember is that all these recent events are “starting points, not endpoints”. Kaplan cautions. In Lebanon, for example, several often-conflicting groups have united to try to force Syrian troops to leave. But they also united against the French in 1943 and then squabbled, often violently, for decades after the French left. That could happen again. The recent election in Iraq was heartwarming, but similarly inconclusive, Kaplan says. “The election does not, by itself, address the fundamental conflicts: the Sunnis' powerlessness (which fuels much of the insurgency), the Kurds’ appetite for independence (which could strain the nation’s fissures), or the Shiites’ yearning to impose Muslim law (which would alienate the more secular citizens, especially the Kurds). These disputes might be hammered out in the composition of a new government or in the negotiations over a new constitution — or maybe not.” So, is democracy on really the march? At this point, we just don’t know. We do know, however, that the opportunity is there, so keep a careful watch. awash covered or flooded with uncork to cause to come out; to open a bottle by removing the cork from the top tornado a violent storm with strong twisting winds whooshing moving very quickly with the sound of air or water rushing rigged arranged or influenced in a dishonest way   uprising a situation in which people join together in order to fight against those in power puppet government a government actually influenced or controlled by a different country abundance a large quantity foray a sudden attack; an attempt to become involved in something stretch an exaggeration; a statement that makes something seem more significant than it really is squabbled quarreled or argued noisily inconclusive not leading to a definite result fuel to make stronger; to increase insurgency an attempt to take control of a government by force strain to make something difficult to manage or deal with fissures divisions cracks yearning strong and emotional desires alienate to make less friendly secular not connected with religious matters hammered out discussed until everyone agrees or a decision is made