At 93 and 84, these women have lived through 19 coups d’etats, and presumably feel nonchalant about most of them — including the latest one on May 22.
Rajanibul Pibulsonggram Praneeprachachon, left, and Chirawat Pibulsonggram Panyarachun.
Yet, the two grandmothers retain a special memory of the first-ever coup in Thailand, the monumental revolution of June 24, 1932, that changed the fundamental power structure of Thailand. As children, they remember how their father was at the forefront of the 1932 Revolution by the 110-member Khanarassadorn (People’s Party) that transformed the Kingdom from absolute to constitutional monarchy.
“I wasn’t aware or concerned of what was going on as I was a girl who was only interested in playing,” said Chirawat Pibulsonggram Panyarachun, about the historical event that happened 82 years ago. She was then an 11-year-old student at Satreewitthaya School.
“I was just three. I was told later that father came home that night and held me and said ‘I thought I couldn’t come back to embrace you again’. They had just staged a revolution,” said Rajanibul Pibulsonggram Praneeprachachon, Chirawat’s sister.
As the only two living children of Field Marshal Plaek and Thanphuying La-iad Pibulsonggram, Chirawat and Rajanibul have carried the weight of history through their long lives. Their youngest sibling Nitya Pibulsonggram recently passed away on May 24 at the age of 73. The other two brothers and sister passed away decades ago.
FM Plaek, known among foreigners as Pibul, has been a controversial historical figure. He was a symbol of military dictatorship in the fierce post-revolution politicking and power struggles among the army cliques, as well as the civilian factions in the People’s Party that dictated Siam’s politics in the heady context of World War II and beyond. Plaek served as prime minister twice, from 1938-1944 and 1948-1957. Over the decades, his name has been often associated with controversial ideas and the messiest chapters in Thai political history.
Field Marshal Plaek Pibulsonggram.
The post-revolution decades saw a complex ideological contention among the members of Khanarassadorn, with various leaders taking turns serving at the helm of the administration. After the transformation to constitutional monarchy, the new rulers were confronted with a series of aborted coups from those who’d lost their power, mainly the royalist revolt of 1933, led by Prince Boworadet. There were other clashes and coup attempts as Khanarassadorn fought to keep their seat of power, such as the 1935 revolt against Phrayapahon and the Isan politicians’ revolt in 1948. Plaek faced several coups, in 1948 and 1949 (by Pridi Banomyong), as well as the so-called “Manhattan” and Santiphap revolts in 1954.
Plaek’s nationalistic approach towards nation-building and survival against imperialism did not bode well with his contemporary folk. He banned betel nut chewing and the practice of eating food using the hands. Citizens were encouraged to wear Western-style clothing instead of sarongs and bare feet, to salute national flags and use the Thai language instead of the regional
dialects.
The name of the country was also changed from Siam to Thailand in 1939. Photos of Plaek and his wife, Thanphuying La-iad, were on the walls in government agencies and
people’s houses. Thanphuying La-iad and around 30 women were made female soldiers and she pioneered social works and established a women’s confederation, and ran for MP.
“Of course, there’s always criticism,” said
Chirawat, the oldest daughter and the third of the six children who spent more time than the others taking care of and accompanying Plaek and Thanphuying La-iad.
Rajanibul said that people should understand the context of history and why leaders felt they had to do what they did.
“Let’s be fair to our forefathers. The Field Marshal was the one who tried to keep the spirit of 2475 [the 1932 Revolution] alive. But he had subordinates and colleagues surrounding him and sometimes he had to get along with them, and I think that spelt trouble for him, as well,” said Chirawat.
The tumultuous years their father experienced are remembered as distant, yet vivid memories. After World War II, Plaek was jailed for eight months, and again in 1947 following the chaos after the death of King Rama VIII. Chirawat recalls that her father had to stay away from their Chidlom residence as his aides and proteges, namely Sarit Thanarat, Phao Siyanond as well as Pin Choonhavan, led a coup that made Democrat Kuang Apaiwong premier, before another coup in 1948 put Plaek back in power as prime minister.
“Once the tanks rolled out in 1947, my father cried that ‘2475 is now finished’,” said Chirawat.
But the cloak-and-dagger politics of the mid-1950s took a toll on Plaek. In 1957, Field Marshal Sarit sent Plaek into exile until his death, at the age of 67, in Japan on June 11, 1964. Asked if she was fearful of the events that characterised her family’s destiny, Chirawat said she was not so concerned, but rather enjoyed the rhythm of life.
“Back then, you were into it. Just when I grew up and looked back at it, I think it was a tough journey,” said Chirawat, adding that she was lucky to have a wonderful husband in Rak Panyarachun, who helped her father during the eight-month-long detention as a prisoner of war, and also allowed her to take care of her parents while they were living in exile for seven years.
Chirawat said the first coup was unique, compared to the rest. This was also echoed by 22 coup-makers, who said their putsch was also unique but for different reasons.
“My father and other Khanarassadorn risked their lives to bring about the regime that we are enjoying today. He saved the constitutional representative system on several occasions. When the first PM Phrayamanopakorn was trying to disband parliament, my father made sure it did not happen. When he staged a silent coup in 1951, he brought back the first 1932 constitution, though with some amendments,” said Chirawat.
She acknowledged that her father had wielded a lot of power, but it was the power to create a lot of good things for the country. She also remembers how her father survived three attempted assassinations during his lifetime.
“I can confirm that he was the most patriotic subject in the country. He saved the nation from being wiped out by the Japanese. The new Thai alphabet or even the Westernisation in the way of life were just to show the Japanese that Thai people were not inclined to follow the invaders’ ways,” said Chirawat.
Chirawat said that despite being in power for decades, her father was never rich. “Overseeing and presiding over several road constructions, my father never got any commission or otherwise we would have been billionaires.”
While in power, Plaek mostly stayed in government houses; hardly owning any property of his own. The Chidlom house was bought from Pote Sarasin at a friendly amount, and the Laksi plot of land — a remote location at the time — was bought with his meagre savings.
Rajanibul also said many issues that were central to criticism in those days such as dress codes and other ways of life have now become a normal standard for Thai people. Plaek also started the practice of overseas trips during his premiership, when he visited 17 countries in two months, Rajanibul said.
Throughout his political life, Plaek was in constant conflict with other members of Khanarassadorn, despite being one of its influential figures. But those tensions weren’t carried over into personal life.
His children were never short of love from the Khanarassadorn members. Kuang’s wife was very kind to Rajanibul. Luang Thamrong also provided the family with rice, which was scarce during wartime. Pridi Banomyong allowed Thanphuying to visit and care for Plaek when he was serving time in prison.
Plaek and Pridi were projected as ideological arch-rivals, but the descendants of the two families maintain good relations and every year on June 24, they meet at Wat Phrasirattanamahathat to commemorate the day their forefathers sacrificed their lives and families to introduce the seeds of democracy.
The women said that over the years, some people have tried to promote the narrative that Khanarassadorn in 1932 overthrew the monarchy. But it was the opposite.
“We all love the monarchy,” said Chirawat and Rajanibul. “It is just about how father [and Khanarassadorn] had been soul-searching for the best way to govern the nation.”
Chirawat noted that she would love for the younger generation to know more about the different angles of history, rather than just the notoriety of certain people who played a part in shaping the country’s destiny.
“In Japan, when father was living in exile, pupils knew about Thailand and the Field Marshal as a person who helped their forefathers not to shed unnecessary blood abroad. It’s a perspective that we lack in Thai society,” said Chirawat.
She begged that contemporary leaders talk about good deeds of the people in the past.
“Why always use hate speech against [the historical figures] to justify your rise to power?” said Chirawat, who emphasised that she is not bothered if the young generation interpret the events of June 24, 1932, in a way that advocates the political struggle for more freedom.
“As long as the spirit of 1932 inspired good deeds for the country, I’m happy with that,” said Chirawat, who stressed that she has no doubt about the intention of the current coup-makers. She wishes them success in restoring peace and happiness to the Thai people.
