With every new government comes the usual political palm-greasing tossed in with the inevitable nepotism that gets some less-than-acceptable people into public office.
Some observer are quietly asking if that has held true with the current administration.
Newin: Picking the team
Theories abound that big-shot politicians who were sidelined in the past may be making a comeback. Instantly, many pairs of eyes have turned on Newin Chidchob. The Buri Ram power broker is leader of a once-powerful faction in the now-defunct People Power Party, which was instrumental in the rise of the Democrat Party that saw its leader elected as prime minister in 2009.
Mr Newin has been in semi-retirement from politics and in recent years has focused his attention on things far from the parliament chamber. His intense passion for football has led to a huge investment by him in "Thunder Castle" football club, based in his native Buri Ram and which now boasts legions of fans spread far beyond the northeastern province.
His football club has helped cultivate public love for the sport and it is reaping the fruits of the unprecedented traction gained from the upsurge in interest, especially since the introduction of the Thai Premier League.
His growing profile on the football scene is also thought to have given figures with a history of long dominance of local football clubs a run for their money.
Mr Newin also has the driving ambition to have a world-class racing circuit built in Buri Ram. The project, which is nearing completion, could further secure Mr Newin’s position as a sporting guru.
But just as Mr Newin appeared to have turned his back on politics for good, the coup was staged on May 22. One of the engineers happens to be a respected brother figure — Gen Prawit Wongsuwon, now defence minister.
It has been noted that since the coup, a number of senior civil servants known as the “Newin connection” who had been sidelined, were given active posts and even promotions. The names include the newly-appointed police chief Pol Gen Somyot Pumpunmuang and cabinet secretary-general Ampon Kitti-ampon, not to mention provincial governors and police superintendents with ties to Mr Newin. Many were kicked upstairs or assigned to inactive duties during the previous government.
Despite speculation that his political flame is being rekindled now that Gen Prawit is back in the fold, Mr Newin has not shown very much enthusiasm when it comes to rating his prospects of getting involved with active politics again.
In fact, Mr Newin insists he is now a long way away from the corridors of power in Bangkok. He says he has come too far with the building of his football team and, soon, his racing circuit. These are his preoccupations and priorities and leave no room for politics.
However, political pundits reckon they will need a lot of convincing to believe that no strings were pulled in the post-coup re-design of key positions in the civil service.
The National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) is wary of allegations that it has had a hand in “fixing” the selection of the upcoming National Reform Council. Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha has maintained that no name on the council has been pre-selected.
While the NCPO has tried to explain its non-interference in the selection of the reform council members, there has been no word from Gen Prawit on the “Newin connection”.
Star player on the fringe
In coming weeks, Alongkorn Ponlaboot could be given the chance to have a shot at becoming a political star in his own right and without the gloss of the Democrat Party shining upon him.
Alongkorn: Seeking a new direction
The former Democrat deputy leader is known as the Jack who chopped down a political beanstalk when he contested the general election in 1992, the year of the tumultuous Black May uprising, and snatched a seat in Phetchaburi where the Anginant clan long reigned.
His victory marked the beginning of political stardom within the party. His election victory was the reason for the Democrat Party’s soaring popularity in the province, which had been under the domination of the now-defunct Chart Thai Party for 20 years.
In subsequent elections, the Democrats cemented their grip on Phetchaburi and were able to fend off the advances of other parties, including Pheu Thai.
Mr Alongkorn enjoyed a rapid rise through the ranks of the Democrats, being named deputy party leader in charge of party affairs in the Central Plains region. When Democrat leader Abhisit Vejjajiva was made prime minister, Mr Alongkorn was appointed deputy commerce minister, the only cabinet post in which he served.
Many years back when Chuan Leekpai became prime minister, Mr Alongkorn was considered too young for a cabinet seat.
After the Democrats' defeat by Pheu Thai in 2011, Mr Abhisit quit as party leader, but was later voted back in. Mr Alongkorn missed out in the executive reshuffle and was no longer a deputy leader.
He stood for deputy leader a second time but was edged out by Sathit Pitutecha, the former party MP for Rayong. At that point he was driven by a desire to reform the country’s oldest party and offered his input on how to modernise it — from the inside out.
However his reform proposals ruffled feathers in some party quarters.
But not all of his proposals were given the thumbs down. Widely welcomed was his idea that the party’s branches in the provinces should be able to nominate candidates in general elections. It was intended to break the monopoly of the party’s central committee which had sole authority to pick people to run in the elections.
Mr Alongkorn insisted a more open candidature system would allow for people who are willing and able to represent the party in the polls. He voiced his disagreement with the party being inclined to field too many relatives and offspring of prominent party figures in elections.
Rumours have floated around in recent times about Mr Alongkorn being approached to leave the Democrats. His departure would deliver a blow to the party, as it would further weaken its already tenuous political infiltration in the Central Plains region.
Mr Alongkorn’s ties to the party are thought to be under further threat after he applied for membership of the National Reform Council (NRC), which will soon be up and running. His decision to vie for a seat could affect his prospects of running in the next election under the Democrat banner as it could constitute a conflict of interest, according to a party source.
The NRC will also have a direct role in the formation of the assembly of people who will write the constitution in the future.
The source said Mr Abhisit has made it clear to party executives that the Democrats will not field any member who sits on the NRC in the next election.
Dust settles over NRC
It had many people guessing: Who would wield the most influence in the selection of the National Reform Council (NRC)?
Prawit: Power behind the throne
Many thought Deputy Prime Minister and Defence Minister Prawit Wongsuwon would play a major role in choosing the members of the NRC, which is tasked with instigating reforms in 11 areas. They thought correctly.
Gen Prawit chaired a meeting of an advisory panel to the National Council for Peace and Order set up to examine the list of candidates for the NRC seats nominated by 11 screening committees. The list was forwarded to Prime Minister and NCPO leader Prayut Chan-o-cha to choose the NRC members.
The NCPO, under Gen Prayut’s guidance, will whittle down the large pool of candidates nominated by the 11 screening committees to 173. It is then expected to pick another 77 from the provinces, bringing the total NRC membership to 250.
The NCPO has tasked the NRC with pushing for reforms in the areas of law and justice, local administration, national administration, politics, education, the economy, energy, public health and the environment, the mass media, social affairs and a special category to deal with “other issues”.
The list was leaked to the media recently, but Gen Prayut said that all the names in the leaked list may not be correct.
Gen Prawit is a key figure in selecting the NRC members because he is widely known to many people, a reliable source said.
The source said Gen Prawit tried to meet key figures in the Democrat and Pheu Thai parties, the two largest political parties, to convince them to nominate representatives to the NRC. But this was not successful.
Bhumjaithai is the only political party to nominate someone — Buri Ram veteran politician and former House speaker Chai Chidchob — as an NRC member.
The source said Gen Prawit has attached importance to who will become NRC chairman and the chairman of a charter drafting committee as they will play crucial roles in pushing for certain reforms and in getting them off the ground.
The source said Gen Prawit approached legal expert Amorn Chantharasomboon to chair either the NRC or a charter drafting committee. But Mr Amorn declined, citing health reasons.
However, the leaked list of NRC candidates includes several noted academics, such as Chai-Anan Samudavanija, Anek Laothamatas, Borwornsak Uwanno and Thianchai Kiranant,
Other prominent figures include chairman of the Anti-Corruption Organisation of Thailand Pramon Suthivong and former permanent secretary for the interior Pongpayom Vasaputi.
But the focus of attention is now on Mr Thianchai, a former rector of Chulalongkorn University, who is tipped to be the NRC chairman, given his seniority, his credentials, his neutrality and his long-standing commitment to pushing for national reform.
Mr Borwornsak, secretary-general of King Prajadhipok’s Institute, is expected to be nominated as deputy chairman and appointed chairman of a charter drafting committee to be set up later, the source said.