A lot of public attention is being focused on the intense inter-agency investigation into forest encroachment over wide areas of Nakhon Ratchasima.
Two senior officials have been at the forefront of the operations to bring the encroachers to book. They report progress directly to Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha.
Pol Col Dussadee Arayawuth, deputy permanent secretary for justice, and Col Sommai Busaba, who heads the 2nd Army's legal team looking into land encroachment nationwide, are among the prime movers in the bid to reclaim state land.
The focus of the crackdown is in Pak Chong district where many resorts have sprouted involving massive investment in extravagant, upscale accommodation surrounded by nature.
Pol Col Dussadee and Col Sommai have vowed to spare no effort in getting to the bottom of the encroachment cases and in acting swiftly against the encroachers, no matter how rich or influential they might be.
In one instance, the Justice Ministry has instructed the Legal Execution Department (LED) to conduct an internal review into accusations that more than 1,400 rai of land, divided into 36 plots in Pak Chong district, was auctioned off by the LED to a resort operator, even though the land came with unlawfully issued title deeds.
Pol Col Dussadee was enlisted to help direct the encroachment fight which was given the green light by the government and the National Council for Peace and Order. The government firmly believes the investigation is critical in the battle to rid the country of entrenched corruption and unlawful practices, including illegal land grabbing by influential business people.
The deputy permanent secretary's name popped up during a reshuffle of high-ranking state officials. He had been among the candidates for justice permanent secretary or director-general of the Department of Special Investigation.
However, he missed out on both promotions on account of the fact that he does not possess enough seniority to rise to the top. He was put back in the queue.
Pol Col Dussadee's responsibilities as deputy permanent secretary revolve mainly around combating graft, and this explains his high-profile role in zeroing in on land encroachment in many parts of the country.
A source close to him said an influential politician had phoned him from overseas and advised him not to accept the "thankless" anti-corruption role, insisting it would do his career no good.
This politician said he would only create more enemies and reap no reward from such a tough and thankless assignment. The politician also warned he could find himself in deep trouble when there is a change of government and power passes to people who might not be pleased with the anti-graft campaign he has undertaken.
Pol Col Dussadee, however, chose to ignore the warning. He feels he is under no pressure, even if a future government does not think his graft-busting efforts carry any merit and that he might end up being the victim of a witchhunt, according to the source.
The source said the deputy permanent secretary feels he is not seen as having sided with any political clique in the past as he was never given any significant promotion under any particular government. Once, though, he was accused of leaning toward former premier Thaksin Shinawatra.
The unofficial spokesman
Even though he is not a member, Deputy Prime Minister Wissanu Krea-ngam has been a major asset to the Constitution Drafting Committee (CDC).
Wissanu: Nothing to say right now
Because of his legal expertise, Mr Wissanu has come to the rescue of the media and members of the public who are confused by the complexity of the draft charter being written by the CDC.
Not only has he cleared up many questions surrounding the content and the draft proceedings, he has at times discussed the rationale behind some of the CDC's more controversial or vague proposals.
At last week's seminar to mark the Constitutional Court's 17th anniversary, Mr Wissanu delivered a special lecture about the rule of law and the country's administration in an apparent defence of the CDC, which has included a clause about the rule of law in the draft charter for the first time.
The defining of "the rule of law" is considered by charter critics to be unnecessary and nothing to do with reforms of the justice system.
Mr Wissanu insists the rule of law, written as the highest legal order in the constitution, promotes fairness and is used to resolve legal conflicts. It should be referred to when the existing legal framework appears to be unfair or insufficient.
In the wake of the National Reform Council's (NRC) week-long debate on the 315-section draft, political punters are watching with interest to see what changes the CDC will make. Some have even thought of taking a bet on whether the draft will be endorsed and enforced.
Whether or not he is aware of this, Mr Wissanu definitely wants a vote of endorsement from the NRC. He has made it clear he wants the draft charter to be passed and enforced so that the road map to democracy is realised.
"We all want the draft charter endorsed so we can move to the third stage of the road map. Is there anyone who doesn't want to get to the third stage? I'm looking forward to it," he said.
Some observers are of the opinion that before the draft is passed, Mr Wissanu will find himself urging the CDC to do more talking — if not doing the actual explaining himself, as was the case when CDC chairman Borwornsak Uwanno remarked that the charter should be enforced for five years before amendments are sought.
When asked about Mr Borwornsak's remark, Mr Wissanu told the press he would advise CDC members to talk to the public more to clear up any confusion or scepticism.
On the growing calls for a national referendum on the draft charter, Mr Wissanu seems more reserved. He simply discusses facts regarding the issue such as the procedures for organising a referendum.
In spite of this, never assume he gives absolute support to the draft.
Mr Wissanu has criticised the draft as being lengthy and suggests the document could be made more concise by getting rid of 30 sections and including them in organic laws.
He has even commented that too much attention is being paid to the political aspects of the charter and that some aspects of the draft may limit the efficiency of everyday governance.
Coming from one of the country's foremost legal experts, that is the sort of opinion the CDC can't afford to ignore.
A 'red' line has been drawn
The long relationship between red-shirt leader Jatuporn Prompan and ex-premier Thaksin Shinawatra is not as it once was.
Jatuporn: Moving away from Thaksin
Politically, both men have been backed into a corner since the May 22 military coup.
The National Broadcasting Television Commission (NBTC) decision to revoke the licence of the red shirt-affiliated Peace TV channel has dealt another blow to them.
The NBTC on Monday revoked the channel's licence for broadcasting content which it said could stir up unrest.
However, the channel is now out of favour with Thaksin, who no longer wants to support it, a source said.
In the distant past, Mr Jatuporn was acquainted with Thaksin while a student at Ramkhamhaeng University. He formed the Satthatham Party, a student movement at the campus to back up his activism.
Before Thaksin joined the Palang Dharma Party (PDP), Mr Jatuporn was known to have good ties with the Santi Asok Sect, of which PDP leader Maj Gen Chamlong Srimuang was a key follower.
Mr Jatuporn, wearing a mor hom shirt and shorts, close-cropped hair in the style of Maj Gen Chamlong and followers of the sect, was a familiar sight on campus at the time.
With the backing of Maj Gen Chamlong's Palang Dharma, Mr Jatuporn's student party grew in prominence swiftly and several of its activities were held to correspond with those of Palang Dharma.
For example, the Satthatham Party spoke out against the Democrat Party-led government's Sor Por Kor land distribution policy while Palang Dharma decided to withdraw from the Chuan Leekpai coalition government in 1995.
The Satthatham Party went on to gain success in campus politics when Somkhuan Promthong, Mr Jatuporn's close associate, was elected president of Ramkhamhaeng University's student organisation.
At the time, Thaksin succeeded Maj Gen Chamlong as Palang Dharma leader and was also a foreign minister and deputy prime minister.
Later, Mr Jatuporn and Mr Somkhuan went on separate political paths.
Mr Jatuporn entered national politics when he became deputy spokesman for Thai Rak Thai during Thaksin's second term as premier, which saw the rise of anti-Thaksin elements led by the yellow-shirt People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD).
It was during this time that Mr Jatuporn began to assume a role in countering attacks from Thaksin's opponents.
At the same time, Mr Somkhuan joined the PAD which had co-leaders such as Sondhi Limthongkul and Maj Gen Chamlong.
So over three decades Mr Jatuporn parted company with his old friends as each took to different political paths.
Relations between Mr Jatuporn and Thaksin are now at a crossroads.
The source said Thaksin no longer financially supports Peace TV.
Thaksin has assessed that the next general election may have to be delayed for two to three years, the source said, adding that the two men have now also taken different approaches to politics.
The source said Mr Jatuporn has other sources of funding instead of Thaksin.
But observers wonder how Mr Jatuporn will be able to continue with his political activities without the support of Thaksin.
When the Yingluck Shinawatra government was formed, Mr Jatuporn was promised the post of interior minister. That promise was never fulfilled.
Mr Jatuporn was told to fill out a form at the Cabinet Secretariat when there was a cabinet reshuffle, according to the source.
However, changes were made to the cabinet line-up before the list was submitted for royal endorsement.