Once again, our society is shrouded in rumours that the long-awaited elections that were initially slated for this year could be delayed yet again.
The speculation emerged after a statement at the end of last year by Surachai Liangboonlertchai, vice-president of the National Legislative Assembly (NLA), that the agency has too many things on its hands, including 10 organic bills, and 50 other related legislative drafts.
The NLA is expected to screen about 40 bills that are on the cabinet's priority list. This statement has caused great concern to various sectors of society, especially politicians who want to make a comeback to politics.
It was fortunate that the military regime came out to insist it will stick to the political roadmap amid fears it will prolong its stay in politics. Government spokesman Sansern Kaewkamnerd assured critics the elections will take place this year. But many people still find it difficult to be at ease.
Such concern is understandable. Recently, sources in the Constitution Drafting Committee under legal expert Meechai Ruchupan said it was likely the elections would take place in the middle of next year. As of November 2016, Deputy Prime Minister and legal guru Wissanu Krea-ngam dropped a hint of possible delays, citing "unforeseen factors" which include ironing out some legal technicalities involving the introduction of the new ballot system, for instance.
The fact is we have made too many postponements already -- from October 2015 as promised by regime chief Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha shortly after the 2014 power putsch that pushed the country into dictatorial mode. The delay was made necessary because the first charter draft of the Borwornsak Uwanno-led committee was dumped by the then National Reform Committee. Then it took some time for the Meechai committee to draft a new charter which went through the referendum process last August, followed by the introduction of 10 organic laws in accordance with the new charter.
The excuses by the NLA vice-president about work overload and the need for more time to scrutinise legislation are not convincing. For example, the NLA issued such controversial laws like the amendment to the Computer Crimes Act at lightning speed.
More importantly, his stance has confused the public and may send the a wrong signal to the international community which has anticipated political change as repeatedly promised by Gen Prayut while he visited foreign countries or attended global forums over the past few years.
The regime should realise that backtracking on the roadmap will cause damage to the country in all aspects.
To start with, it will certainly intensify political conflicts and deepen the political divide. Internationally, the country will be shunned further by leaders of the global community, and with that the country will be at risk of losing economic opportunities.
The NLA has the right to be concerned about the tight schedule ahead. But it is not beyond its capability to complete the mission. After all, the coup-installed body, unlike a conventional parliament that is normally trapped with political bargaining, has the kind of unity to complete its task more quickly.
Besides, the assembly should prioritise organic laws that are necessary for the elections, in particular those involved with political parties, and the election system, in order that the country can move ahead with the process under the roadmap.
On top of that, the regime must do its best to keep its promise, stick to the political time frame and bring the country out of its political deadlock.