Why corruption continues to plague us

Why corruption continues to plague us

Those following news reports over the past few weeks likely have the impression that corruption is rampant in Thailand, with a series of bribery cases emerging one after another starting with the shady Rolls-Royce deals. The poor ranking by Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index 2016 speaks volumes about the state of corruption in the country.

There are quite a few research studies on graft done by prominent academics like Pasuk Phongpaichit and Sangsit Piriyarangsan which are good reads. The researchers identified the cause and proposed measures to tackle it. Sadly, most of their work has been left on the shelves with only bits and pieces picked up by the media every time a scandal surfaces.

Suranand Vejjajiva was secretary-general to the prime minister during the Yingluck Shinawatra government and is now a political analyst.

We have witnessed a number of anti-graft campaigns aimed at boosting public awareness against unethical and immoral behaviour by state officials and politicians that cause enormous damage to society. Yet, there is little, if any, effect. We are still haunted by cases of extortion and bribery from the lowest rungs of the traffic police to cabinet ministers and even prime ministers.

Cases are hard to prove, as they are usually surrounded by rumours and accusations. The two graftbusting agencies, the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC), which deals with cases that involve higher-rankings public officials and politicians, and the Office of Public Sector Anti-Corruption Commission (PACC) which handles the rest, are not very impressive.

The former especially is seen as being too political -- some cases are processed faster while others are lost or forgotten. Measures such as asset declarations or improvement in procurement procedures seem to catch only the small fish. Laws and regulations exist but the practices plow through.

But why does corruption continue?

First, it is the centralised nature of Thai bureaucracy and the political system. There is a Thai saying "hua mai sun, hang mai kradik" meaning "if the head does not move, the tail does not wag". Temptations at the top where decisions are made set the tone for an entire agency. This is true for even a small police station in a rural area or a larger organisation with a huge budget.

As power is concentrated, we need checks and balances to prevent abuse. But we deal with graft in a superficial way. Most agencies, whether government or state enterprises, protect themselves with complicated rules full of legal jargon and technical terms which make it difficult for outsiders to check facts or follow the processes.

Take a look at the government projects. When the government budget is passed through the non-elected National Legislative Assembly or an elected parliament, relevant House committees lack the mechanisms to follow up and investigate. With pork barrel politics, Thai style, many turn a blind eye.

Almost free from inspection is the military budget. Even when the country had a democratic system, few elected officials raised this issue. Things are worse now the regime is running the country. That explains why the regime is able to push to procure submarines for the navy.

Even when rules and regulations exist, there is always room to manoeuvre and one can abuse power, taking advantage of legal loopholes. Taking commissions is the norm. And in many cases, they are systematic enough to divide the loot around so everybody keeps quiet. An American friend of mine made this observation the other day: "The sad thing is the only profitable business in this country is graft."

But why do so few of us speak out? Where are the whistle blowers?

This brings me to my second point -- the culture of patronage in Thai society. This goes beyond ethics and morals. It destroys meritocracy and, before we know it, the system is plagued with corruption.

When who you know is more important than what you know, you will find a way to bend the rules. The returns could be monetary, but more often than not it is to trade in future favours. So, the provincial official who controls the procurement budget will "help out" the local contractor whom he drinks and plays golf with. It could be his wife's relatives or his mistress' company, or his brother, son or nephew. The close ties to extended family among Thais play an important role in facilitating corruption. Examples can be found at the national level.

Then comes the cover-up. A high-ranking official was caught red-handed stealing paintings at a hotel abroad, and what his superiors had to say was that "it might not be considered a serious disciplinary offence" and with assistance, he got a "get out of jail free card". This epitomises the culture of protection and friends and colleagues can always get assistance.

Members of parliament have the same attitude. Even the media, the fourth estate, are susceptible to this behaviour. Some columnists have friends with whom they kraeng jai or "feel obligated" not to mention any kind of financial support they may have received.

I always question the merit of study programmes that aim to create a network between high-ranking officers and businessmen. Networking is important. But if it facilitates patronage and leads to corruption collaboration schemes, it should be eliminated.

Patronage is stronger with the concentration of power in a military government. Scandals are quickly swept under the rug while those who expose them face threats and intimidation, like the students who protested and questioned the Rajabhakti park scandal. The claim that the military regime has the moral high ground compared to "corrupt" politicians can be just an illusion and a tool for suppression.

The problem is the systematic, ingrained cultural factor. We need to decentralise and democratise with full checks and balances tied to the public from the local community level upwards. There needs to be a commitment to reviving the meritocracy system at all levels.

It will take a radical overhaul to bring change. We must begin now.

Suranand Vejjajiva

Former secretary-general to the prime minister

Suranand Vejjajiva was secretary-general to the prime minister during the Yingluck Shinawatra government and is now a political analyst.

Email : info@bangkokvoice.com

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