EDITORIAL Getting serious about reform

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EDITORIAL Getting serious about reform

  • Published: 22/04/2009 at 12:00 AM
  • Newspaper section: News

Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva has finally grasped the moment and admitted what everyone knew and few would face. He has called for a two-week, national brainstorming session to directly address political reform.


At the top of his suggested agenda is amending the 2007 Constitution. The first suggestion he directly addressed is Article 237, under which entire political parties have been dissolved because one or several executives have been convicted of breaking election laws.

Mr Abhisit deserves credit for getting down to the brass tacks of political reform. His earlier suggestion of hiving off the issue to a special commission at King Prajadhipok Institute was timorous and ultimately doomed. There are several ways to broach this important issue, but a blue-ribbon panel meeting in secret is probably the least likely to succeed. If reform is to have a chance, the public and politicians must both have their say.

One hopes it is obvious to Mr Abhisit. Assuming his two-week moratorium gets the response it deserves, the prime minister must be ready to move to the next step right away. His call on Monday for proposals included only vague outlines of an action plan. He did not even say where the proposed changes should go. After two weeks, all the ideas should be put to the public. It is unfortunate that his proposal tapered off. He gave no concrete suggestion as to the next step.

Still, as the premier stated, constitutional reform is a national priority. Without it there can be no proper political reform. To say the 2007 Constitution is blemished is understating the case. Written by military-friendly drafters working under deadline in a tense political atmosphere, the charter is biased in several key directions. Mr Abhisit is correct that Article 237 is deeply flawed. It is undemocratic to punish rank-and-file party supporters for the secret actions of senior politicians or administrators.

The constitution governing the country at the moment is anti-democratic in other ways. The appointment of senators is offensive to voters nationwide. Many question whether it is necessary to have a bicameral legislature at all. If so, it is a serious question as to how different the Senate should be from the House of Representatives, and how the upper houses's duties should differ from that of the lower house. There is little popular support for the current constitution. By comparison, the forward-looking and democratic "people's constitution" of 1997 remains a huge and shining achievement. The proposal, backed by many advocates, to reinstate the previous charter also deserves a serious hearing. Amending and re-adopting that progressive constitution would arguably be preferable to trying to patch the current document.

In any case, the man in both the spotlight and the hot seat is Mr Abhisit. Soon, the country will learn whether he truly backs political reform, or whether his two-week brainstorming proposal was just an attempt to buy time. The premier must act now to set up channels for the reform proposals he has solicited. He must put forward an actual plan to move on reform.

Constitutional and political reform require public input - not just token hearings, and not just from organised civil groups. The country is at a political crossroads, and it is clear that top-down reform will be divisive and probably rejected. A full constitutional assembly will be necessary to write or rewrite the charter. Mr Abhisit now must follow up on his call, and either lead reform or allow credible bodies to proceed with the necessary actions.

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  • timjack

    Discussion 11 : 23/04/2009 at 03:16 PM11

    For me Abhisit really has to get it right this time, The truth is that Thailand is changing whether Abhisit, the right wing press and the elite in Bangkok like it or no.

    I have been critical to date of Abhisit simply because he has many words and promises but tend to have trouble delivering what he says.

    Having said that, I am sure he is well intentioned but I believe he is realising how hard it is to political reform as there seems to be too many people blocking his every move.

    I wish him well, but I can't help thinking in two weeks time we will be as it is today politically, the same.

    I pray that there will be no more violence.

  • simon

    Discussion 10 : 23/04/2009 at 12:05 PM10

    I kinda have a feeling that all this is a ploy from the Democrats and the Traitor to not fall into the same trap the got the TRT banned, cause they do not know of any other way to win an Election when they are force to eventually call for one except BUY VOTES.

  • Praewa

    Discussion 9 : 22/04/2009 at 04:42 PM9

    I really like the time frame he has put forward. 2 weeks; quick-paced and puts a lot of pressure. It's like he's pushing the politicians to actually think...something a lot of them haven't done in a long time.

  • toto

    Discussion 8 : 22/04/2009 at 03:43 PM8

    Is Abhisit getting serious about reforms?
    The actual actions of his government are to censure opposition media and internet sites and to setup a ridiculous propaganda plan against Thaksin. Nothing serious.

  • YES, BUT

    Discussion 7 : 22/04/2009 at 03:33 PM7

    Agree, the constitution needs to be adjusted.

    But first, I can't agree with any suggestion that PM Abhisit has been slow, in fact the opposite, I believe the time 'delay' is about right. It would have been disastrous to jump into this subject quickly, and the truth is that given the time delay there has already been a lot of public comment which I think has educated many of us about many points which perhaps we had not previously thought about.

    But I cannot agree with any suggestion that the clauses which punish corrupt politicians (read vote buyers) should be cancelled.

    Thailand is still very much struggling to find a mature scenario where the parliament is filled (or mostly filled) with sincere, honest and capable people, who are there for Thailand and not for their own selfish agendas. Until we do get to the above posiiton I suggest we need a lot of mechanisms to control and to severly punish corrupt politicians and to even ban them for life.

    Lets be very care that any amendments to the constitution are in the best overall interests of Thailand and all Thais, and not just for the expedience of the selfish people we currently call parliamenarians.

    There is one other item that I suggest is worth considering for the costitution, compulsory education starting at high school which teaches everybody how democratcy works, the dangers to beware of, and highlights the fact that all people have a responsibility to participate in some way. But this should be done in a way which does not ever promote a particular party, in other words teachers must be confined to teaching the theory and the broad international history of democracy but teachers must not be allowed to feed their personal beliefs or opinions about specific parties or politicians to their students.

    (Exampel: During the PAD rallies my son's class at university was told (threatened) by one teacher, If I find out you have been to a PAD rally you will fail.)

  • Long John Silva

    Discussion 6 : 22/04/2009 at 03:22 PM6

    Minorities never rule effectively over majorities. Simple as that. Majorities are sometimes not the best to rule either. This is where 'democracy' comes a bit unstuck. PM Abhisit is no doubt a capable man but he needs the backing of the minority to ensure that a great deal of goodwill goes the way of the majority peoples of Thailand.

  • Yi Shuai

    Discussion 5 : 22/04/2009 at 03:14 PM5

    I mostly agree with the editorial. A constitution can only have dignity and can be "true" after a period of constitutional freedom. A constitution can only be drafted and written by a assembly with constitutional mandate of the people. Any other way is a scam, a swindle and a confirmation of the lack of political freedom distinctive of Asian and continental european regimes.

  • Peter

    Discussion 4 : 22/04/2009 at 12:10 PM4

    Absolutely correct. PM Abhisit deserves support from as many sides as possible to take this reform agenda forward and he must deliver. As he and BP apparently now recognize, reform of Article 237 is now an urgent priority. Whilst the larger issue of amending the 2007 Constitution, re-adopting the 1997 Constitution or writing a new Constitution requires an inclusive action plan personally led by PM Abhisit, the removal of Article 237 can and should be done straight away. By doing that PM Abhisit would send out a clear signal that he does in fact genuinely back political reform and that he is able to deliver it.

  • David too

    Discussion 3 : 22/04/2009 at 10:16 AM3

    Mr Abhisit at last seems to be thinking along the right lines . There is an urgent need to return to before the 2006 coup . People of the north and Isaan only voted for the 2007 Constitution to facilitate a general election . Mr Abhisit should drop the 2006 Constitution and return to the 1997 Constitution , which may be ammended if necessary . Everything , as far as possible , that the military did or instituted , must be undone . The military must stay out of politics and support the democratically elected government of the day .
    There is enormous bitterness and hatred from PAD and UDD supporters , which needs to be soothed and calmed .
    A Comprehensive and General Amnesty would go a long way towards setting Thailand on the right road to prosperity again .

  • UK House of Lords

    Discussion 2 : 22/04/2009 at 10:10 AM2

    There is no shame in having an appointed Senate?

    Of course, the US Senate consists of members that have been voted in by the public.

    But the UK has a Senate (House of Lords) that consists almost entirely of appointed members.
    The House of Commons consist of members elected by the public...the public are commoners (peasants) who elect their representatives to the House of Commons.

    There are more appointed members of the UK House of Lords, than elected representative in the House of Commons.
    Previously, membership of the House of Lords even consisted of hereditary peers.

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