The yellows no longer have a strong enough platform to stand on, to shout and scream from _ and hence, the passion subsided, the funds drained and the movement has waned There's a rumour being reported in newspapers that Sondhi Limthongkul has actually made up with Thaksin Shinawatra in the interests of good business. Who knows if there is truth to that, but this much we do know.
When the Kingdom's highest court ordered the seizure of 46 billion baht of Thaksin's frozen assets in February 2010, tens of thousands of screaming UDD supporters descended on Bangkok, and the streets were painted blood red.
When the Criminal Court on Feb 28 this year sentenced Sondhi to 20 years in jail without parole for violating the Securities and Exchange Act, the only yellow in the streets were the lights that tells drivers to speed up, floor the gas pedal.
When army tanks rolled into the capital in September 2006, the yellows greeted the soldiers with cheers and flowers. Last week when they wanted to use the grounds of the Army Club for a political rally, they were told to ''go somewhere else''.
That refusal signified one of the last few remaining breaths of an organisation that once moved a Kingdom, but now can't even move more than a few hundred people onto the streets.
How has it come to this?
The yellows no longer have a strong enough platform to stand on, to shout and scream from _ and hence, the passion subsided, the funds drained and the movement has waned.
In 2005, at the height of Thaksin's power, the PAD took to the streets on the platform of fighting corruption. But fighting corruption is never a strong enough platform, at least not in the Kingdom of Thailand. The factor that inspired people to don yellow and take to the streets was defence of that most sacred institution, the monarchy.
As for whether the Thaksin network was ever anti-monarchy, there is not and never has been any proof of that. But that is neither here nor there. The lips of society were flapping less about corruption, but more of anti-monarchy sentiments.
With disgust and condemnation, the lips vented about how the former prime minister made funny faces during a royal audience. With rumours and speculation, the lips fumed over how the fugitive prime minister planned to turn Thailand into a republic, with him as the president.
Corruption is never enough to incite passion. The love of the King always is plenty more than enough. As a strategy to undermine the Thaksin political machine, it worked wonders _ seven years ago.
The problem is, seven years have gone by and no plot to overthrow the monarchy has been exposed. In fact, Thaksin's ruling Pheu Thai Party has proclaimed itself the defender of the monarchy and a staunch supporter of the lese majeste law.
This is a sound political move on Thaksin's part, nudging the PAD, the military and the Democrats aside and planting his own foothold on this strongest of platforms.
The devout loyalty game may be the most popular one in town, but it also makes a mockery of that which we hold near and dear _ but this too is neither here nor there in this game of thrones.
Of course, opponents of the Thaksin political machine do not believe in their sincerity, but it matters not. The cloak of devout loyalty serves as a protective armour, not a persuasive tool.
Two years after the 2006 coup, the PAD was still flying high with zeal, yet again playing a hand in bringing down another democratically elected government.
The storming of Government House and the occupation of Suvarnabhumi airport in 2008 were two actions of irresponsible audacity and self-indulgent righteousness only matched by the UDD in 2009 and surpassed by them in 2010.
But winning battles and winning the war isn't the same thing.
The PAD won most of their street battles. Even when they lost a battle in their attempt to close off parliament in October 2008, which led to several deaths, there was a symbolic victory in the Queen attending the cremation ceremony of one PAD casualty.
On the other hand, the UDD ultimately lost their street battles in 2009 and 2010. Supporters were killed, dispersed and jailed. Leaders either jailed or fled to a neighbouring country.
But what matters most is, now in 2012, Thaksin's Pheu Thai Party has an absolute majority in parliament, with his sister sitting as prime minister.
The UDD is winning the war.
A movement can only fight for so long and meet with so many failures before it starts to fade away.
It was fashionable at first. The earliest supporters of the PAD were Bangkok socialites and high society personalities donning expensive yellow silks. The PAD soon grew to include the middle class and also the working class.
From the upper echelons to maids and chauffers, they joined together and took to the streets by the thousands in a crusade, not just against corruption, that is never enough, but to defend the most sacred institution. It was chivalrous, romantic even.
Today, the PAD is splintered into various smaller groups, including the most active one in recent time, Tul Sitthisomwong's multi-coloured group. But none of them could ever muster more than a few hundred supporters.
They have also split with an important ally, the Democrat Party. Their own political party, the New Politics Party, is practically a non-entity in parliament. And now, the army has closed its doors to them, seemingly in any case.
Corruption, it's not enough to rally a crusade. Charter amendments are also not enough to rally a crusade, even if many have argued that said amendment is in the interests of granting amnesty to Thaksin.
As for defending the monarchy, how is one to defend the monarchy against someone else who's also defending the monarchy? Everybody is defending the monarchy. The platform is crowded. There's not enough of a foothold, not enough space to shout and scream from _ and hence, the passion subsided, the funds drained and the movement waned.
But it's not only the passion.
Passion is central to any movement, but it is mere wind if it's not backed up by sustained professionalism.
The logistics, the infrastructure and the funding of the UDD have proven resilient in carrying the red passion afloat on the wings of the northeasterly wind.
In funding, Thaksin is no pauper to say the very least, and his allies in the business community are some of the richest in the country. The transport, the supplies, the power generators, the facilities and the amenities _ the entertainment, the bands, the media channels, the massage corners, computer games for kids, the merchants and vendors _ they transported thousands from upcountry and created a mini-city in Ratchaprasong district, efficient and sustainable, in the heart of Bangkok.
While not all red shirts are fans of Thaksin, the majority, and especially among the leaders, are devout followers of his cult of personality. The toppling of two democratically elected governments (Thai Rak Thai and the People Power Party) and the many casualties in clashes with troops only serve to fuel the passion.
As an organisation, the UDD is run by professionals. As an organisation, the PAD is a part-time gig.
The question then becomes if and when Thaksin sets foot on Thai soil, would the fear/hatred for him spur enough passion to resuscitate the fading yellow? Does the PAD have the logistics, infrastructure and funding to take on the Thaksin political machine for a third time?
Contact Voranai Vanijaka via email at voranaiv@bangkokpost.co.th.