It's nice to hear this statement from Thaksin Shinawatra: ''Reconciliation is not about me receiving an amnesty so I can return home, because I'm already familiar with staying abroad.''
The ex-prime minister said that at an Asia Society function in Hong Kong on Tuesday last week, and that is the message that all advocates of charter amendment need to keep in mind.
Forget about holding a referendum to let people decide whether the constitution should be amended _ it will just be 2 billion baht down the drain to justify putting an end to the constitution.
Thaksin has calculated that with the strong support of the ruling Pheu Thai Party, chances for a ''yes'' vote vastly outweigh those for ''no'' when the Election Commission organises the public poll.
The red shirts are not alone in venting their anger at the current constitution. Almost nobody likes the way it was written by people handpicked by the military leaders who had just toppled a democratically elected government and forced Thaksin abroad.
But there are many valid suspicions about exactly what Pheu Thai will change in a new charter _ it would certainly be the simplest way to bring Thaksin home if Section 309, which gives legal protection to the Assets Scrutiny Committee which brought Thaksin's case to court, is nullified.
As Thaksin has now made it clear that he is getting quite used to staying overseas, critics should feel more comfortable that the new charter will not be written to clear the way for his homecoming.
But it was an ominous sign to see Thaksin appear live on NBT television on Dec 9 when he chaired the Muay Thai Warriors tournament in Macau.
Forget about the message he was conveying from the ring and the results of the competition. And forget that the officials responsible for the public station _ from PM Office's Minister Sansanee Nakpong to the station chief and director-general of the Public Relations Department _ claimed to be unaware that Thaksin would be on air.
What happened with the boxing broadcast demonstrates Pheu Thai's confidence in exerting its control after more than a year in power. The ruling party believes it can do anything at will, including putting Thaksin on TV regardless of whether it is appropriate or not.
But Pheu Thai has shot itself in the foot. It has reminded the public of the old days, not so long ago, when Thaksin was so over-confident that he could do anything without anybody challenging his authority.
He was confident that then-army chief Sonthi Boonyaratglin was loyal, until Sept 19, 2006, when Gen Sonthi led the armed forces leaders against him in the military coup.
Back in 2003, Thaksin used his authority to acquire a plot of prime land on Ratchadaphisek Road for his then-wife Khunying Potjaman na Pombejra. He was later sentenced to two years in jail by the Supreme Court's Criminal Division for Political Office Holders.
The road leading to Thaksin's demise began with over-confidence, and Pheu Thai is fast hurtling down the same route.
Former prime minister Abhisit Vejjajiva's decision to fight the murder charges against him for his role in ordering the 2010 crackdown on red-shirt demonstrators is also an admirable one.
''I will accept whatever the verdict is, even if it's the death penalty,'' he said.
Mr Abhisit has decided to fight the charges in court and let the judges do the rest, instead of following the example set by Thaksin, who keeps talking of a corrupt judicial system that forced him to flee the country to escape his two-year prison term.
The Ratchadaphisek land case against Thaksin went to court after he had been ousted from power, but that did not mean the judicial process was politicised. The evidence both sides used to fight the case in court spoke for itself.
The case against Mr Abhisit still has a long way to go. But whatever happens, it will be best if he accepts the court verdict, instead of watching the judges hand down their verdict from abroad, as Thaksin did in 2008.
Saritdet Marukatat is Digital Media News Editor, Bangkok Post