Our region is a little more democratic today than it was a week ago. Sunday's election in Cambodia was hotly contested. Despite opposition complaints, international monitors have declared that voting was generally honest. Fears that authoritarian Prime Minister Hun Sen would steal the election proved mostly unfounded. In fact, a united opposition dealt the long-time strongman a severe and unexpected setback that completely changed Cambodian politics.
It also will bring changes, subtle or overt, in Cambodia's foreign policy. The opposition has strongly criticised the country's close relations with Vietnam, even accusing Hun Sen of being a puppet of Hanoi. It has adopted a nationalist stance, an important difference to the policies of Hun Sen. Where the prime minister has sought peaceful relations with Thailand, the opposition will push for a more aggressive stance on contentious issues such as the Preah Vihear temple dispute.
The surprise showing of the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) was encouraging in many ways. For one thing, it showed an enthusiasm of Cambodians for politics, and thus for their future. It has been 34 years since Hun Sen rose to prominence as the world's youngest foreign minister. He has been ensconced in the prime minister's office for 28. Few politicians can stay in power for that long without exposing flaws.
Hun Sen has grown into a fixture, in his country and in the region. That is not entirely a good thing. He has used highly questionable means to acquire and hold his position, including a bloody coup in 1997. He has brought around him far too many of the remnants of the Khmer Rouge who abused power, their country and their people prior to 1979.
Most deplorably, Hun Sen has fallen into the habits of dictators and authoritarians before him. He has come to believe that what is good for him is automatically good for Cambodia. Unchallenged in the polls and in the political arena for so long, the Cambodian leader has revelled in the "strongman" description given to him by supporters and biographers. And he has recently admitted that his ambition is a political dynasty, where he will remain in power until 2027, at which point one or all of his three sons will take control.
On Sunday, the party of opposition leader Sam Rainsy put paid to that idea, at least for the immediate future. The election results shook the country. From its paltry parliamentary representation of 29 seats, the CNRP took 55 of the 123 available. That will keep Hun Sen in power, but with only 68 seats in the lower house.
It is unclear how Hun Sen will react to the humiliating losses. It is equally unclear how Sam Rainsy will approach his role as unofficial opposition leader. He was not allowed to run in the election. The best scenario for Cambodia and the region is likely to be an uneasy truce between the two politicians. But Sam Rainsy has been unafraid to shed blood in fierce political disputes in the past.
A week ago, Hun Sen was unassailable, but today he is vulnerable. His power was diluted by the election, as a new generation of energetic and optimistic young people proved the power of the ballot box. With one election, Cambodia has taken a notable step towards democracy and government accountability.