Red shirts must struggle to better their lot

Red shirts must struggle to better their lot

Our country is in the middle of deep transformation - a phenomenon that is attested to by the emergence of the red-shirt movement.

A file photo of a red shirt during a rally organised by the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship at Rajamangala Stadium to support the Yingluck Shinawatra government. PATIPAT JANTHONG

It is unfortunate, however, that this transformation of peasants into the new middle class has not been recognised as an important event in our modern history. Many still hold on to the old belief that the reds are just a group of people who are "poor and stupid", and who are used by unscrupulous politicians.

Here's what I would like say to you, members of the red movement: "Don't let it bother you."

Ignore those who look down on you. What is more important is how to create a new political relationship so your voices will become more meaningful and legitimate, which will eventually make the "higher ups" recognise your existence.

First, we need to understand there is a great diversity of people scattered in different areas in the red-shirt movement. Compared with others, their livelihoods are tied more to day-to-day work. When the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship mobilised people to take part in the protests against the Abhisit Vejjajiva administration in spring 2010, for example, many red shirts from Chiang Rai could not attend as they were occupied with cultivating rice.

With such diversity in class and location, several red shirts have set themselves up as "core leaders" in their areas. Called "political entrepreneurs" by academics in the Northeast, these core leaders serve as contact points in political communication and mobilisation of the reds.

These core leaders are mostly people who have benefitted from the growth of the new cash economy which has expanded extensively over the past two decades. They in turn have networks of subordinates, friends in the same professions, plus the patronage network to support their roles as leaders.

These local red leaders can connect with national politicians. The more people they can mobilise, the higher the level of politicians they can connect with. For example, when the first "red villages" were set up, the local leaders could even manage to have former prime minister Somchai Wongsawat preside over their opening ceremonies.

There is also diversity among these core leaders.

In Chiang Mai, also known as the red-shirt capital, there are more than 10 red groups with different political views.

These local red leaders need to nurture their connections with the national-level politicians to maintain their leadership. Those who lose the connections will be replaced by new leaders who are closer to the power centre.

Some red leaders have progressive ideas, such as giving red shirts a say in Pheu Thai's nominations of candidates for MP in their constituencies.

However, the idea failed to gain approval from the "big boss" and was eventually dropped.

Some red leaders have to cater to the demands of higher-level politicians even though they may not agree with them. A case in point is the move on the blanket amnesty bill or their lack of action to pressure the government to get bail granted to red-shirt prisoners.

Actually, these leaders have not initiated any political campaigns to improve the livelihoods of their fellows.

A study on the change in red-shirt identities by a Thammasat University student showed that after the red villages opened, their leaders did not perform any useful deeds for their people.

Worse, some have become so arrogant that their own people have turned against them.

The only active campaign in which these leaders get involved is mobilising people to Bangkok or to provincial centres in response to the political turmoil.

For this, we can say that most reds are not in a position to bargain with politicians at local or national levels. It is well known that those without connections to the leaders are deprived of access to the village fund.

The latest let-down is the delay in the rice-pledging scheme, which aggravated many red shirts' debts.

I don't think this government has done anything significant to improve the lives of the red shirts _ its traditional support base.

The massive loss from the rice scheme has resulted in budgets being cut for projects affecting their wellbeing, including pulling 7 billion baht from the contingency loan for education. Meanwhile, the 350-billion-baht water management scheme could spell doom for the livelihoods of a large number of reds in many provinces.

These people must free themselves from the local red leaders as much as they can and turn the situation around by making those leaders serve them, not the party or the politicians who only ask them for help for their own benefits.

At the same time, they must pressure the politicians to act more accountably and to apologise for their past wrongdoings.

The leaders must promise not to abuse their majority for unbecoming deeds.

Most importantly, if the red fellows believe that a political party must represent them, they must make the party accountable to them by punishing it with the most severe measures when it fails to deliver.

They must treat politicians like their children _ hand down some lessons when they make mistakes.

The red brothers and sisters must cease thinking that politicians or political parties are their bosses or big brothers who they must forever listen to and follow.


Attachak Sattayanurak is professor of history, Chiang Mai University.

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