Army resorts to populism as it wields its iron fist

Army resorts to populism as it wields its iron fist

Twenty days under military rule and we have witnessed earnest attempts to quieten dissenting anti-coup views. And, although corruption was not cited as the reason for the putsch this time around, people still expect the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) to take steps to eliminate this deep-rooted, cancerous problem.

While intending not to go into detail about how I am disappointed with this unwarranted coup, which makes me feel I was wrong in my previous article for praising the military for playing a neutral role, I have a few issues I think the junta must address.

First, in claiming to restore peace, order and happiness, the NPCO has resorted to archaic ways of arbitrary detention for those who think differently, while suppressing freedom of expression. This includes a crackdown on symbolic protests, including making the three-finger salute in public.

Worse still, we have seen encouragement for individuals and groups of people to spy on one another. For example, instructions by the Interior Ministry to members of Local Administrative Organisations, state enterprises, village headmen and kamnans, as well as the general public, to report to the ministry any civil servants who commit “non-constructive and dangerous acts against national security”.

Such instructions may simply give some the opportunity to pursue political revenge, as well as personal vendettas. Of particular concern are cases involving alleged lese majeste cases, which, at the end of the day, may do more harm than good to the higher institution, especially when pursued by certain ultra-right-wing or ultra-nationalist groups.

In addition, the ongoing witch-hunt and blanket summoning of outspoken academics such as the Nitirat group members, human rights defender Jittra Kotchadet and peaceful anti-coup leader Sombat Boongnamanong, as well as journalists from The Nation and Prachatai, are against international human rights practices and will eventually backfire. It seems only people on one side of the conflicting camps have been targeted.

What sort of reconciliation shall we expect then, when justice and fairness have yet to be delivered?

Can blatant military tactics bring about reconciliation? Hummers equipped with machine guns patrolling the streets are signs of imposed peace. That’s why some people are wondering what kind of happiness the junta is expecting, because coercion cannot foster true peace. Forced faith cannot bring about real trust and happiness. The role of the Internal Security Operations Command, an agency set up in the era of communism, in promoting the reform and reconciliation agenda has also triggered questions of whether it will yield success.

More importantly, the NCPO remains deaf to the calls of domestic and international agencies to announce the list of detainees and the venues in which they are detained so no one will fall victim to enforced disappearance or torture. Trials in military court which do not allow appeals also make Thailand’s justice system the target of international criticism.

Second, despite criticising the populism pushed by previous administrations, the NCPO has continued with a number of populist schemes, such as the quick pay-outs for the rice-pledging scheme and support for NGV/LPG/diesel prices. The crackdown on local and regional mafia, drug kingpins and smuggling gangs, as well as efforts to deter loan sharks, have also boosted the men in green’s popularity.

The junta needs to be decisive over the whole edifice of populism — they must say which schemes they don’t think are fit for the future and why — be they high-speed rail links, the water management scheme, the tablet programme, or free rides on public transport.

Third, while waving the reform flag, the NCPO should not make reform a condition of its prolonged stay in power. Its role is to set the stage for reform, prioritise key issues like tax and land reform and then leave the rest of the job to an elected government.

Finally, while the military has insisted it is not corrupt, it should take steps to boost confidence and prove it is transparent and accountable. Such mechanisms are necessary, as we are now under an authoritarian regime where checks-and-balances systems have been scrapped.

Even though NCPO members, as well as their advisers, are not bound by any law to declare their assets, they should volunteer to do so in a show of good spirit. So should the appointed cabinet that will be set up in the months to come. In doing so, they will offer a window for public scrutiny.

After all, we still remember the unchecked government procurement and budget spending by the military — be it the malfunctioning 350-million-baht surveillance airship or the 630-million-baht GT-200 bomb detectors. We are also aware that defence-related agencies get the biggest chunk of the annual “secret budget” — worth some 500 million baht.

The military should rethink its iron grip on power and begin addressing the economic and social disparity that is the root cause of political conflicts in a transparent manner.


Achara Ashayagachat is Senior News Reporter, Bangkok Post.

Achara Ashayagachat

Senior reporter on socio-political issues

Bangkok Post's senior reporter on socio-political issues.

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