Long walk to democratic governance

Nelson Mandela was a man who gave his life for his people, and in so doing, changed the course of history.

His life and universal legacy remind us of the crucial link between the values he stood for, namely freedom, equality, justice and dignity, and the path to democratic governance.

Tracing his footsteps, there are many key lessons which resonate strongly today, with a sense of immediacy and relevancy.

Courage in face of Adversity

Many of us are familiar with Nelson Mandela’s “Long Road to Freedom”. His life was — par excellence — a lesson in commitment, tenacity and sacrifice.

He was born of royal lineage. He built the African National Congress (ANC) to help liberate South Africa from the apartheid regime. He fought for equality for non-whites so they could become part and parcel of an all-embracing democratic process.

He spent 27 years in prison standing up for his beliefs and ideals. He continued, despite imprisonment, to promote the cause of freedom, democracy and justice. As the international pressure for his release gained momentum, South Africa was on the brink of ethnic strife.

In 1990, when he was freed, he reined in his emotions and let reason prevail. Indignation opened the door not to retribution but reconciliation, not to vengeance but compassion, not to vilification but democratisation. Mandela had succeeded in turning the tide.

Empathy in face of Animosity

He was freed at the time when South Africa was highly polarised — with looming threats of mass violence along racial lines. What path did he choose? He shunned aggressive and divisive policies, revenge and punishment.

He reached out to justice, while offering a hand to former foes for the sake of peace and unity. He demonstrated the qualities of enlightened leadership in the face of animosity, particularly from those who were partisan and prejudiced.

He recognised from the political negotiations after his release that he had to help heal South Africa and introduce a different construct of statehood, as a “community” for all racial and social groups. In 1994 he was elected as South Africa’s first black president, with all citizens enjoying universal suffrage.

He established a government of national unity, a coalition government that included many previous foes, but now with a new lease of life. He set out to build “The Rainbow Nation” premised upon a multicultural democracy.

His empathy towards sceptics was shown most creatively when he initiated the process of truth and reconciliation, which helped to nurture back to life a community traumatised by racial scars and pervasive oppression.

His wisdom recognised that the victims of apartheid had to be heard, and the alleged perpetrators had to be identified and listened to, with due regard for rehabilitation and accountability.

He realised that the process had to be cathartic — it had to open the door to documenting the truth, with a hand of forgiveness for minor transgressions for those who spoke the truth and were repentant.

Those failing to assist, those who did not repent, those who preferred to hide in the quagmire of their misdeeds, and those who had committed major crimes were channeled to the natural course of justice, being accorded due process of law.

Democracy in face of Fragility

What are some of the lessons and implications for democracy today? We know there is no single, absolute model of democracy. It has to be nurtured, sometimes within a fragile environment. Its progression may not necessarily be linear in progression.

For instance, European history is a chronicle of civil wars, revolutions and dictatorships. Yet democracy took root and today no rival political system challenges it in Europe.

It should not be forgotten that the Magna Carta had to gestate for many centuries before the advent of universal suffrage and full-fledged democracy. Likewise, the American Revolution had to wait two more centuries before the Civil Rights Act of 1964 would guarantee equality between whites and blacks.

For emerging democracies, a persistent challenge is how to foster and sustain a democratic system, together with checks and balances against abuse of power, as part of democratic governance.

I would thus like to reflect, based on South Africa’s experience, on seven pathways to democratic governance, which are particularly relevant for Thai society.

First, “free and fair” elections are a fundamental element of all healthy democracies.

The advent of elections, an elected president, parliament and a liberal constitution in South Africa bore the trademark of a dynamic process towards democracy, instilling democratic values in the national mind set. Yet, as president, Nelson Mandela also recognised that democracy had to deliver the goods — the basics of life, such as food, shelter, income and welfare services, to be truly credible and acceptable. Democracy is not a synonym for good government.

The mere act of holding an election, by no means, guarantees democracy, particularly in the absence of a multiparty political system or where there is a tendency towards monopoly of power. Proper mechanisms need to be put in place to ensure that elections are free and fair, and conducted in an open and transparent environment.

Second, respect for diversity of views and beliefs as well as tolerance are part and parcel of a functioning democracy.

An election does not give a mandate to oppress or sideline those who voted against the winning party. If we prescribed to the notion of “winner-takes-all”, we would seriously impede the development of a democratic society.

Therefore, majoritarian rule has to be respectful of the rights and interests of both the majority and the minority. What the winner earns is an ongoing duty to strike a balanced consensus in society.

If minority groups do not benefit equitably from the electoral process, conflict will be stoked. In an inclusive society, one learns to live side by side with your opponents, albeit with room for reasoned debate and disagreement.

Third, respect for human rights and the rule of law are paramount. Human rights are the benefits to which we should all be entitled and guaranteed by the state based on universal norms.

There are civil and political aspects, such as freedom of speech and peaceful assembly. There are economic, social and cultural aspects, such as the right to an adequate standard of living and food security. Those rights go hand-in-hand and are indivisible.

Meanwhile, the rule of law implies that actions must not be arbitrary and must be based on law, tested against the backdrop of international standards. There should be guarantees for accused persons, such as access to courts and lawyers to ensure justice.

Mandela contributed greatly to the emergence of a new constitution for South Africa in 1996 which embedded human rights and the rule of law in his country. The 1996 Constitution is appreciated globally as ground breaking in many ways. It underlines the concept of “human dignity” as an overarching rationale and lynchpin, a concept closely linked with human rights. And it contains a bill of rights entrenching a broad range of civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights, while clarifying also whether those rights are absolute and what is to be permissible when a state of emergency is to be imposed.

Fourth, accountability and transparency should be guiding principles for governance. What plagues many governments is the opaque nature of power, replete with the ominous three Cs, namely corruption, cronyism and clientelism. Where accountability and transparency are jeopardised, good governance is compromised and democracy is undermined.

As with all settings, there is a need for checks and balances to prevent abuse of power and to ensure responsibility and accountability of actions. The South Africa which emerged with Nelson Mandela and the advent of democracy tried to address this equilibrium by means of a variety of institutions and processes. For instance, there is an active Constitutional Court which has used the notion of “human dignity” to press for changes in the economic sphere and a more effective response to overcome poverty.

There is also a National Human Rights Commission which helps to keep a check on executive action, especially where the latter infringes basic rights, with the possibility of redress against violations.

The presence of national pillars
embodying power at the top is complemented by decentralisation and respect for the provinces and other localities. Interestingly, the South African Constitution set up a parliament consisting of not only the National Assembly, but also the National Council of Provinces, with both houses participating in the legislative process so that there is a balance between the centrality of the state and the plurality of its provinces.

To promote democratic governance, even where democracy has in appearance arrived, various entry points need to be explored to nurture a sense of responsibility, particularly among those in power.

For instance, access by the public to information held by governments is crucial to promoting transparency and responsible decision-making.

In regard to politicians and law enforcers, there is a need to select capable candidates who possess integrity, to provide them with adequate remuneration, and to evaluate their performance with appropriate motivational incentives.

Likewise, there is a need for laws, policies and practices for the prevention and elimination of monopolies and the promotion of competitiveness; and a need for education and capacity-building to foster responsible behaviour from a young age, including a sense of duty to contribute to the collective interest and welfare of society.

Fifth, a vibrant civil society is a key to ensuring a responsive government and safeguarding against executive excesses.

Mandela recognised well the critical role of civil society, and a vocal press. Indeed, his emergence from years of imprisonment was largely due to assistance by those elements to remind and mobilise the global and local communities to pressure for his release.

In South Africa, the post-apartheid era has thus flourished with a plethora of civil society actors, including non-governmental organisations and community groups, which address a range of societal concerns and keep a watch over governmental and bureaucratic actions.

Further, the health of a democracy can be measured by the authenticity of its civil society and the extent of citizen participation in public policy-making. Civil society provides an important source of information for intelligent debate on matters of public interest.

Civil society also provides a mechanism whereby the collective views of citizens can shape and influence government policy. By bringing into the public domain arguments and information as a context for examining policy, a democratic government is forced to present counterarguments or to modify its position. Such exchange strengthens the foundations of democracy.

Finally, it is clear that when the deliberative process within a political system accepts the role played by civil society, it also implicitly agrees that citizens have a role to play in checking government in decision-making. A vibrant civil society thus ensures more thorough decision-making in a democracy.

Sixth, responsive leadership that answers to the needs of the people is critical. Whatever “pathways” are opened to democratic governance, the aperture would be incomplete without transparent and responsive leadership.

Mandela’s achievements are not only measured by what he did during his term of office, but also by what he did after his presidency ended. He was a key supporter of a range of humanitarian concerns, including programmes and services for disadvantaged groups. He became, and remains today, a great role model for all of humanity.

The qualities of leadership for sustainable democracy are to be found in those who act in an honest, transparent and accountable manner. They are consensus builders, open-minded and fair. They are committed to justice and advancing the public interest. And they are tolerant of opposing positions.

The seventh and final pathway that I want to emphasise concerns the need to promote broad-based education and knowledge sharing.

The work which Mandela initiated continues and cannot be considered finished. Its mission depends on building the knowledge base, attitude, skills and behaviour responsive to human rights and democracy.

Democracy starts with the wisdom of the voting public, however that wisdom is acquired. The voting public must understand its responsibilities in a democracy and have access to the means to exercise choice in the democratic process.

Much depends on an educational setting to open the mind and avoid dogma and prejudice. Learning by doing is essential, underlining not only access to formal educational settings but also participation in community work to nurture a sense of care and commitment for the less advantaged.

A struggle in many developing countries is how to channel resources to make education more relevant to the tasks of daily life, to change the emphasis from rote memorisation to creativity and independent thinking, and to extend the outreach of education programmes to all, including girls and women living in poverty.

The heart of democracy beats not only with universal quality education, but also the participation of all citizens in exercising their rights — first, to call for inclusion of issues of concern to them in the political agenda, and second, to choose among those whom they feel would best address their concerns in the political process.

In Asia as in the West, democracy is won not just through the ballot box. The real struggle is fought out on the streets by students, farmers, workers and other ordinary citizens who come out en masse to express their dissatisfaction. For democracy to live, citizens must resist the temptation to be apathetic. This is part of democratic governance. Each community, workplace and school needs programmes for promoting grassroots democracy. We must enable the process to mature through our sustained commitment and actions.

I started my statement by alluding to Mandela’s legacy and the critical link between the values he stood for and the path to democratic governance. I would like to end my statement today with a quote from a 1999 speech by Mandela:

“It is true that South Africa was often brought to the brink of destruction because of differences. But let us reaffirm this one thing today: it is not our diversity which divides us; it is not our ethnicity, or religion or culture that divides us. Since we have achieved our freedom, there can only be one division amongst us: Between those who cherish democracy and those who do not! “

Let us draw from these words of wisdom in our collective efforts to build a stronger foundation for democracy in Thailand. Let us strive to avoid the mistakes of the past and continue our mission to complete the “long walk to democratic governance”.