"Sia-khong" or "a waste" has become a buzzword in military political circles since the May 22 coup. It is a short version of, "Don’t let the May 22 coup be a waste".
The May 22 coup has often been compared with the Sept 19, 2006 seizure of power by Gen Sonthi Boonyaratglin, which has been described as "a waste" because it failed to fulfill its main objective, which was to neutralise the Thaksin regime and prevent its political comeback.
Former deputy prime minister Visanu Kru-ngarm, one of the country’s top legal experts who teams up with Pornpetch Vichitcholachai, another top legal mind, in being the brains behind the drafting of the provisional constitution and all the announcements of the National Council for Peace and Order, mentioned the word "siakhong" at a press briefing on the provisional charter last week.
He said it was necessary over the next year to do anything needed to disprove the complaints and criticism that all the efforts over the past two months since the coup would eventually be "sia-khong", or a waste.
Bovornsak Uwanno, secretary-general of King Prajadhipok’s Institute, also said during a political seminar last week that he believed the interim charter would not be "sia-khong".
Neither elaborated on the definition of "sia-khong", but in the context of the 2006 coup, it means the prevention of the political comeback of the Thaksin regime, which was the primary objective of Gen Sonthi’s military takeover.
The provisional charter is just one of the tools to deal with the Thaksin regime. This is clearly evident in several which prohibit former politicians who were members of a political party during the past three years of holding any office in the National Legislative Assembly, the National Reform Council or the Constitution Drafting Committee, which are all expected to be set up by August.
Also, the provisional charter sets the tone and shape of the coming permanent constitution in 10 areas, particularly regarding corrupt politicians and those found guilty of election fraud by the Election Commission, by banning them from politics for life.
So far, the NCPO has only managed to scratch the surface of the problems, or threat, posed by the Thaksin regime. The Pheu Thai party and its sidekick, the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship, have suspended all their political activities, as ordered by the junta. Many of their leading members have been summoned to report to the NCPO, released on bail and barred from leaving the country, or fled abroad - like Charupong Ruangsuwan, former Pheu Thai party leader.
But their political power base among the grassroots rural people remains intact. The "return happiness to the people" campaign launched by the NCPO to bridge the gap between the anti-Thaksin and pro-Thaksin forces and bring reconciliation is yet to prove its effectiveness. But many doubt it will work because the mutual distrust and hatred between the two is too deeply entrenched to be bridged by festivities – let alone being resolved.
Also, NCPO head Gen Prayuth Chan-ocha’s call for the self-exiled Thais, including the fugitive Thaksin, to return home appears to been ignored.
The next few months will provide a clearer picture of just what the NCPO is willing to do to prevent the coup becoming "a waste".
Will the National Legislative Assembly, for instance, carry on with the unfinished task of the Senate and impeach former prime minister Yingluck Shinawatra on the rice scandal, as decided by the National Anti-Corruption Commission?
Or will the NLA continue with the proposed impeachment process against Ms Yingluck and seven of her cabinet ministers for allegedly using state resources and personnel for the benefit of electioneering ahead of the Feb 2 election, as decided by a probe panel of the Election Commission?
If found guilty, all these Pheu Thai heavyweights would face banishment from politics for up to 10 years and the party itself may face dissolution.
Also, there is a pending impeachment process against former senate speaker Nikhom Wairatpanich, former house speaker Somsak Kiatsuranan and a group of senators for their attempt to rewrite the charter to change the composition of the Senate.
Technically, the decision rests with the NLA. But in reality, the final say rests with Gen Prayuth Chan-ocha.