At first glance, Prayut Chan-o-cha's offer to stay another two years or more as unelected prime minister - if asked - invites obvious and cynical reactions. There was plenty of warning the junta had a contingency plan to stick around for a while, dating right from the time of last year's coup. The constantly extended "timetable" for military rule never included a firm deadline. In truth, though, the issue is far more complicated than a simple power grab by the man in green.
Gen Prayut says he will only stay under legal terms — which are easy for him to arrange with parliament. He will only stay in office "if everyone wants me" — the statement comes amid suggestions polls might be manipulated.
The problem for the cynics, however, is that many things are being left out. The nation is at a turning point, and it is moot whether one blames or credits Gen Prayut and his military backers for that. The draft constitution is under attack from all sides, including the prime minister and his government. Reform is not just incomplete, is it not even properly defined.
When he dropped the bombshell on reporters last week that he might like to stay in power at least through 2017, Gen Prayut rightly brought up the reform issue. In his view, the government that will emerge from the next election might not be committed to carrying out his reform measures. This addresses - yet nevertheless blurs - the real problem at stake: Gen Prayut and his government have failed to present a clear definition of reform, the specific measures that must be taken, or how they intend to achieve them.
One example: for the past week, and for many of the 54 weeks since the coup, one of the big issues has been the price of lottery tickets. If this is truly a major reform issue, then by definition reform is not too important. By focussing on the trivial, the post-coup regime has kicked the reform can down the road. Just last week, the prime minister confirmed police reform was not even on his agenda. This has further confused the entire issue of reform and disheartened the millions of Thais so eager to address political and social change that they feel is badly needed.
It is indeed possible for Gen Prayut to receive support to extend his oligarchy. He must first reform his administration, however. It is well past the time for simply talking about a vague concept called reform, as the premier was doing last week in suggesting he get another two years at the top. He and his team have to define precisely the reforms they want, where they want them, and the exact measures they intend to put in place.
With respect to political reform, much has been left in the hands of the Constitution Drafting Committee. It has produced a massive tome that has drawn little enthusiasm. From the government to its appointed legislature to the man in the street, one hears only criticism. The bottom line is that political reform is, at best, in a state of flux, at worst stalled. If Gen Prayut is to seek support from "everyone" to stay in office, he must revitalise his administration. He should restart his reform machine, this time laying out specific topics and exact recommendations. If not, he is more likely to see his support erode.