There have been stark differences in the commemorative events for the Oct 14, 1973 student uprising and the Oct 6, 1976 massacre. The first was about the triumph for the democratic forces of the students, while the latter was the opposite. This year's commemorations were no exception.
Last Tuesday, dozens of people in their 50s and 60s gathered to discuss how they would like the 40th commemorations of the tragic Oct 6 bloodbath to be organised next year.
"We would like to talk about what really happened. Facts must not be further suppressed nor compromised; impunity must not continue; state violence must no longer be tolerated," said one of the participants. "It should not be only religious rites for the dead, but concrete steps to make the public realise the state crime that happened."
Facebook feeds in the past week were full of still photos and video clips about inhumane treatment by state authorities and right-wing extremists against students, in particular Chulalongkorn political science student Wichitchai Amornkul who was beaten, shoe in his mouth, and hung on a Sanam Luang tamarind tree; female students who were forced to take off their uniform shirts, crawl on football fields in brassieres and skirts along with male students, some pushed to their knees. Many were kicked and hit while they crawled onto and queued for waiting vehicles. At least 46 people -- mostly young people and students -- were killed. Some were hung and burned to death by the police and paramilitary forces on the morning of Oct 6. There were also accounts of rape.
But an honest discussion of the Oct 6 massacre requires an open political atmosphere and freedom of expression. Under the military regime, this will not come easily. The regime has created several legal tools and cloaks to rule the country for a while longer -- through a military-dominated legislature, a reform-minded council based on moral values, and a new charter that is set to cripple political enemies and to strengthen the military's and bureaucracy's grips on society.
Few believe these rule setters will address the core problem of democratisation in this country. Nor are they willing to tackle the problem of impunity within the state apparatus over violating basic human rights and trampling on the highest law of the country.
Many have questioned the statement by coup leader and Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha that he wishes the May 22, 2014 coup to be the last in Thailand.
As long as the country's legislation still allows exit doors for the military through amnesties, any future army chief could still find an excuse -- the need to protect the monarchy, to tackle corruption, to stop parliamentary dictatorship (without mentioning that of the military), and to end political violence -- to stage a coup.
European Union lawmakers last week stressed that the current rulers in Thailand staged an "illegal coup" and they urged Thai authorities to "lift repressive restrictions on the right to liberty and the peaceful exercise of other human rights". This strong condemnation from outside has boosted morale of pro-democracy groups at home.
Our history, however, has shown that only unwavering and persistent struggles from within can yield change. It took several decades before the Oct 14 uprising could be mentioned, albeit very briefly, in high-school textbooks. It took decades before the statues depicting the Oct 14 and Oct 6 events could be built on the Thammasat University compound.
Silence against state violence is not exclusive to the Oct 6 massacre. It is the same with the bitter contemporary history of the deep South. But therein lies some hope. The gradual but continued quests for justice has now made the public more aware of state violence against ethnic Malay Muslims.
The internet revolution has also given an opportunity for the younger generation to learn about the past facts -- thanks to WikiLeaks and the official release of state documents by the US government. Those who are not too narrow-minded can put the jigsaw pieces together themselves to get the truth.
Yet open and public discussion remains a risky business under Section 44, the Computer Crime Act and the draconian lese majeste law. Which makes me think of Don Quixote and the song Impossible Dream from the musical Man of La Mancha.
Next year, we shall see if those following in the steps of the Man of La Mancha will be able to "fight with the unbeatable foe" to "fight for the right" as they set out to do. The Man of La Mancha will, I'm sure, not be just the old, white-haired, bald, disabled people of the so-called October Generation, but younger people from different segments of society who gradually come forward to reclaim and defend their rights.
Achara Ashayagachat is Senior News Reporter, Bangkok Post.