Since the moment the army seized control on May 22, 2014, one word has dominated talk while attracting no effective action. Yet reconciliation is arguably the most important and ignored policy that the country needs. Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha speaks about this in every important speech and appearance before the media. It is time to put a campaign for reconciliation into effect.
This is not a trivial matter. Reconciliation is necessary to move the country forward democratically. Bridging the divisions of the past decade will be difficult, but vital to make the country vibrant once again. But Gen Prayut has not moved to begin unity talks.
Indeed, the prime minister himself has arguably made it more difficult. For example, he has said that he does not wish to get personally involved in actual reconciliation efforts. Almost a year ago, after a mobile cabinet meeting at Chiang Mai, the premier said neither he nor any other state official should be a party to any reconciliation process.
As for who should be involved, Gen Prayut has said only that "lawbreakers" cannot participate in reconciliation talks. He never has defined precisely what he means by this. Reconciliation requires bringing together former enemies into a single national group. Without former activists, whatever the colour of their old shirts, there cannot be true reconciliation.
To most onlookers, especially those hoping and seeking national reconciliation, the prime minister seems to be limiting future unity talks to those who support the current policies of the current regime. Logically, this means there is no hope that real reconciliation efforts can succeed. Even a brief look at recent, fruitful efforts at reconciliation prove this. In South Africa, Germany, Indonesia and the 2015 Nobel Peace Prize talks in Tunisia talks were universal and specifically included all opposition groups.
It is somewhat ironic that Gen Prayut's administration is struggling to open peace talks with separatists in the deep South, while seeming to avoid or delay open discussions with patriotic Thais in the whole country. If the government and its supporters refuse to talk about embracing all Thais, then even talking about reconciliation is a sham.
Equally, if red shirts and pro-democracy activists shun the government and military, the divisions will remain and widen.
In these days when Thailand is ranked last among the economies of Asean, it is important to note that successful countries share a vital attribute. Thais can think back a decade or so. There was plenty of contention in politics, and business competition was arguably even more intense. But the nation was united on strategic goals and policies. These included but were not limited to democratic development, respect for human rights and each other, a fair capitalist system and universal diplomacy.
The 2014 coup halted sporadic political violence. It has done little, if anything, to bring the country back to strategic unity. Gen Prayut has argued that harsh measures and restrictions on basic civil rights are necessary to prevent more violence. The regime can only keep a lid on divisions with harsh, martial-type enforcement.
Gen Prayut must begin or delegate real, measurable efforts at reconciliation. If the coup is to be judged favourably, it must at least put in motion steps for all groups in the country to come together as loyal Thais. Otherwise, history will be harsh in judging Gen Prayut.