Following the military regime’s crackdown on “dark influences”, the Royal Thai Police have transferred more than 100 officers over allegations of illegal conduct. Anyone expecting corrupt officers to be severely punished will be sorely disappointed.
On Wednesday, the same day the transfers were made public, national police chief Chakthip Chaijinda said, with a straight face, that if transferred officers cease their illegal activities and promise to change their ways, they will be given an "opportunity" to continue their work — a decision he described as "just".
It is not "just", it is scandalous. Officers found to have abused their power must be punished. Nothing less is acceptable. If corrupt police officers can simply escape punishment by "quitting their illegal activities", then there is no chance for the country to eradicate corruption.
The transfer followed concerns that the military regime’s crackdown on "influential criminal figures" would be used as a tool to silence opponents. Apparently, it meant to show the public that corrupt officials would not be spared.
It is only fair that innocent officers get their jobs back. But with the investigation being treated as a strictly internal matter without external oversight — and police bosses promising to forgive wrongdoers if they start behaving — it is highly likely that things will soon return to business as usual.
Despite scepticism over the crackdown, the problem of illicit underground businesses is real. The regime is targeting drugs, gambling, prostitution, human trafficking and smuggling.
According to a landmark study on black markets by professors Pasuk Phongpaichit and Sangsidh Piriyarangsan a decade ago, underground businesses accounted for nearly 20% of the country's gross domestic product. The underground economy is certainly much bigger now. So is the amount of protection money.
Many years of public frustration and demands for police reform have produced clear-cut blueprints to make the police force transparent and accountable.
They include downsizing and decentralising police work, improving pay and professional training, strengthening the merit system, improving forensic technology and allowing for independent monitoring of police performance.
This means an end to a militarised police force and the feudal work culture which divides police officers into two classes — the masters from police academies and junior officers from lower-income brackets.
Fierce resistance from the police has stalled change.
When the military seized power in 2014, police reform was among their top priorities. Many believed police reform would finally become a reality. High hopes, however, eventually fizzled out.
The defunct National Reform Council, for example, proposed independence for the police investigation unit; abuse of power is easy when police have the authority to arrest, investigate and press charges without checks and balances. The regime also used Section 44 to scrap the positions of all inquiry officers.
Understanding the complexity of the issue, Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha said police reform should be tackled by future governments. Meanwhile, Deputy Prime Minister Prawit Wongsuwon made it clear that there would be no restructuring of the police force.
The regime has vowed to end corruption and underground businesses. But the “dark influences” cannot exist without collaboration from corrupt policemen.
If there is no police reform and the police force is still allowed to be lenient with corrupt officers, the regime’s goals of eradicating corruption and black markets will be out of reach.