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Working class heroes
Story and pictures by Supara Janchitfah At first glance, 52-year-old Sunanta Jaichanteuk doesn't look in the least bit our kind of heroine. Together with 300-plus women-all employees of Thai Durable Textile Limited (TDT)-Sunanta has been camping out in front of Government House for the past two months. To those who pass by on Phitsanulok Road, the sight of makeshift tents, tidy and uncluttered-the TDT workers' headquarters of protest-may appear an eyesore to be removed as soon as possible. Few would know, however, that it is Sunanta and her friends at the TDT, more commonly known as Thai Krieng workers, who are responsible for the establishment and recognition of many rights and welfare benefits taken for granted by city dwellers nowadays. Without their tireless determination to push for improved mothers' rights, it seems doubtful that pregnant women would be enjoying the 90-day maternity leave they do now. Nor would the rest of us have benefited from the implementation of the Social Welfare Act. And while the public at large has mostly forgotten the suffering of those who died in the tragic fire at the Kader Toy Factory in 1993, and the infamous collapse of the Royal Plaza Hotel the same year, the Thai Krieng Labour Union continues to push for long overdue compensation on behalf of all workers. The draft of the Occupational Safety bill has also been vociferously pushed by these workers. The mass demonstration against the military junta in 1992 may have been seen as a protest concerning the middle class. But a number of members of the working classes were an integral element of what's now called the "Black May Day" incident. Again, the Thai Krieng workers fearlessly risked their lives to press for democracy, as the military fired on the protesters. But now, as these tired crusaders squat in their tents (on rainy nights, they have no choice but to stand upright through the wee hours, wet and cold), the general reception they have received is simply indifference. All those glorious acts of the old days seem to have been washed away from the public's memory along with the monsoon rain.
Understandably, when the textile factory was hard hit by the recession three years ago, Sunanta and all the other Thai Krieng workers consented to a pay cut of 50 percent. To help ease their employer's burden, these workers agreed to take turns to work every other day, to take on extra duties, as well as to forego bonuses and other benefits. All the reductions were assumed to be temporary, and the workers chipped in as much as they could to keep their company afloat. In fact, their efforts did pay off. Last year, the TDT saw its accounts resting in the black again. But by this time, the workers began to realise that the hefty profits swept up by the company executives would never be shared with them. Contrary to the original promise, the TDT management, under the helm of a new group of investors, refused to resume the level of pay and bonuses suspended during the financial downturn. After several rounds of unsuccessful negotiations-the Ministry of Labour's suggestion for a tripartite meeting was adamantly turned down by the head of TDT-Sunanta and 1,000 other TDT employees decided to stage a strike. In turn, the TDT executives resorted to the use of force to disperse the protesters (see "Chronology"). On June 22, a group of 100 men was sent in to trample the workers down. "Those men pushed me against the factory wall. They stomped on us with their boots; I was so scared," said Sunanta. Jadet Chaowilai of the Friends of Women Foundation pointed out that the police, some of whom were present at the scene, refused to acknowledge the charge filed by the workers. Only after a few academics and labour groups exerted pressure on them to investigate the case did they decide to accept the complaint. On the other hand, Surapol Netchareon, the TDT's human resources manager, claimed otherwise. "No such thing [as violence] ever happened." He argued the protesters committed an act of illegal defiance, as well as tried unlawfully to prevent other workers from continuing their duties. Moreover, the TDT recently announced a mass dismissal of 390 workers, most of whom are members of the TDT labour union, without compensation. Rubbing salt into the wound, the company filed four additional charges against the protesters in both criminal and civil courts, and demanded 8 million baht in compensation for loss of production. It also sued for another 4 million baht, arguing the workers illegally used the company's electricity and water during the protest. Meanwhile, Sunanta and her friends at the protest camps, located at both the TDT's compound and in front of Government House, have to struggle day by day on meagre donations made by fellow workers from other factories. Having no other source of income to support their families as the protest drags on, entering its 129th day today, many have been forced to take their children out of school. Quite a few with little ones can't even afford simple things like milk powder. For well-respected labour rights advocate Professor Nikom Chandravitoon, the situation facing the Thai Krieng workers is a serious setback for the Thai labour movement as a whole. In particular, Prof Nikom laments the state's lack of effort to settle conflicts on the workers' behalf, while it is content to offer huge incentives such as tax exemptions and other perks to attract more investors. Jadet of the Friends of Women Foundation expressed concern that the incident is a signal that more violence might be in the pipeline to suppress workers' movements. "Before the attack at Thai Krieng, there was a similar assault against workers at a nearby factory. What will happen if all employers resort to the same method to silence their workers' requests?" Jadet asked. The present trend is quite worrisome, especially considering that the Thai Krieng Labour Union is considered by many to be one of the country's strongest. In fact, the history of the Thai Krieng union has been closely intertwined with the development of campaigns for gender equality. One important event that propelled workers into activism, and eventually into setting up their union, was the push for equal pay for equal work. Although women constituted the majority of workers in the textile industry, they received far lower pay. "While men got 50 days worth of pay for a bonus, women only got 10 days," said Arunee Srito, a TDT labour union adviser who has been campaigning for labour rights for the past two decades. One thing leads to another, and eventually, in 1980, the Thai Krieng Labour Union was officially registered with the Ministry of Interior (the Ministry of Labour was not established then). Earlier, regardless of their numerous activities, the workers' right to form an association was not recognised, since Thailand did not ratify Article 87 of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) convention, which enshrines workers' freedom of association and the protection of the right to organise. Thus from ordinary workers who only thought about toiling for a daily's wage, Sunanta and her friends started to develop a sense of awareness of larger social issues. Sunanta was personally inspired by examples of other union leaders that drove her to participate in a variety of public affairs. Even now, while killing time at the protest camp in front of Government House, the Thai Krieng workers continue to talk about the good old days as vividly as if they happened yesterday. "We staged hunger strikes. We carried placards and helped writing some posters; we marched to and from many places-Sanam Luang, Government House, parliament and the Ministry of Labour," recalled Nuansaward Roysoongnern, another member of the TDT labour union. Contrary to what outsiders may think, these workers were not a herd of blind followers. Nuansaward stressed how workers must sacrifice some of their income while joining any movement, thus they have to understand what the issue is all about before deciding to take leave from their work. Moreover, then as now, any workers who attempted to set up a union would run the risk of being laid off, as most employers consider labour unions a threat. The Thai Krieng Labour Union has thus been conducting several workshops to educate workers about their rights both at the TDT factory and at other offices, many of which have subsequently set up their own unions. On the other hand, Chulalongkorn University economist Dr Lae Dilokwittayalak observes a growing division within the Thai labour movement that results in the weakening of its force. At present, there are nine national labour councils, each operating independently from one another. Arunee concurs that the existing lack of unification does not help to voice the workers' cause to the public. By comparison, labour movements in many industrialised nations appear to be better unified and organised. Mareike Woermer of Thailand's Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, noted for example, that in Germany there is only one industrial labour council, and the government takes heed of whatever the council says. Moreover, Dr Lae feels the level of class consciousness within the circle of Thai labour itself is on the decline. The phenomenon, the lecturer contends, could be attributed to the fact that most workers had a chance to enjoy high incomes during the economic boom, thus many came to think that the market would always be on their side. The struggle for better working conditions has accordingly been ignored. Ironically, during the continuing recession, the government subscribes to a belief that stresses business survival over the workers' welfare. Most of the labour councils, said Dr Lae, then adopt the state's line of policy, and turn against any forms of labour unrest, on the grounds that they will jeopardise investment prospects. Thus even though the Thai Krieng workers have made great contributions to the improvement of Thai labour welfare, their efforts invariably praised by academics and development workers, their future continues to look bleak. As the government has been keeping very quiet as to how the dispute might be resolved, the TDT Union recently submitted its petition to the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and the International Labour Organisation. At the moment, the TDT human resources manager Surapol insisted the company wants to pursue its charges against the protesting workers right to the end. Dr Lae sees this as a heartless approach to settle the on-going conflicts. "How can these workers fight against their employers in court? They have neither power nor money. Is this the employer's intention-to destroy the labour movement once and for all?" the Chulaongkorn academic wondered. Clearly, the TDT has failed to recognise the rights of workers to stage a peaceful protest as endorsed in the Thai Constitution. "Although the government still ignores the case, I hope the public will show more care to the Thai Krieng workers. These people are not fighting just for themselves, but for all workers, including people like you and me," added Dr Lae.
ChronologyFebruary 15, 2000 The TDT Labour Union submitted a letter asking for a raise of one baht per person as well as a two-month bonus. April 24 TDT executives maintained that the decision on wage increases is the company's sole jurisdiction, and not the workers'. May 29 The labour union submitted a letter to inform the head of TDT that they would stage a protest on May 30. May 30 TDT ordered some sections of the company closed, especially the areas where labour union members work. June 1 TDT allowed non-union members to resume work. June 7 About 1,500 workers from neighbouring Prapadaeng and Aom Yai areas visited the protesting TDT workers to give moral support. But they were dispersed by tear-gas allegedly ordered by the TDT management. The incident was witnessed by a number of police officers. June 14-15 About 20 strangers hid in the company's compound and sprayed chemical extinguisher on the protesting workers. Fourteen workers had to be hospitalised. June 21 The head of TDT posted a court order prohibiting the protesters from blocking the company's gates. June 22 A group of 100 men broke through the company gates and attacked over 200 women workers. Again the incident was witnessed by the police but no action was taken. July 27 The workers submitted letters to Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai as well as the Minister of Labour and Social Welfare. August 1 Failure to initiate a tripartite discussion prompted some of the protesting workers to move to Government House. August 18 The workers submitted letters to the International Labour Organisation (ILO) and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). They asked the two international organisations to pressure the Thai government to act on the following issues: 1. To negotiate between the workers and the company on how to resolve the dispute and to allow workers to resume work in the factory. 2. To take legal action against parties responsible for attacking the women workers. 3. To ask the company to withdraw all lawsuits against the workers. - "We care" is a fortnightly series honouring
people who believe in giving. In addition to supporting these causes, you can let
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© Copyright The Post Publishing Public Co., Ltd. 2000 |
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