More effort needed to solve territorial woes

More effort needed to solve territorial woes

An interesting announcement last week was all but lost amid the political noise. Come April, Thailand will try its hand at convincing both its own Asean partners and China to agree and sign a code of conduct concerning the South China Sea. At first glance, it seems a thankless task. Others have tried and failed to conclude such a pact. But there are hints and signs that one last big effort could spell success.

The code of conduct is itself a preliminary step, and a compromise. That is because the nations concerned have refused even to discuss the main problem. Special rules are needed for the South China Sea _ and for the East China Sea as well, come to that _ because there are conflicting territorial claims. In the past there have been mortal battles fought over tiny shoals and reefs. And since no country is willing to back down on its claims of ownership, a code of conduct has been proposed to at least try to lessen the threat of war to the greatest extent possible.

Permanent secretary for foreign affairs Sihasak Phuangketkeow announced last Thursday he would try to make it happen. In April, senior foreign ministry officials of all 10 Asean countries and China will meet. As host and automatic chairman, Thailand will set the agenda. Mr Sihasak has already put the South China Sea as topic No1. That was the easy part. The next three months will be spent in heavy lobbying, diplomatic arm-twisting and even occasional talks with the media _ all designed to build pressure on participants to get out their pens in April and sign a meaningful document.

The causes of tension in the South China Sea are well known and easy to review. China claims virtually everything in and under the water, based on its breathtaking ''nine-dotted line'' _ a claimed territory stretching pretty well to the shorelines of Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei and Philippines.

Two island groups line within the dotted line _ the Paracels, captured from Vietnam by Chinese brute force in 1973, and the Spratlys, further to the south. They are claimed and partially occupied by Taiwan as well as the other five belligerents. Philippines and Vietnam have been particularly aggressive in opposing Chinese claims, both at diplomatic meetings and on the sea. Both have fought deadly skirmishes with the Chinese navy.

China has recently expanded both its naval power and its forays into the region of the Spratlys. Over the past six weeks, it escalated its exercises by bringing in a new naval task force. It included the country's first aircraft carrier, the Liaoning. During its 37-day cruise, the carrier had a near-collision with the US navy's guided missile cruiser USS Cowpens. Both countries cranked up the propaganda machines to blame the other for causing the problem.

It is just such unplanned unpleasantries that make the Spratlys and the South China Sea a tinderbox. An accidental collision, an inadvertent gunshot, and events could quickly get out of hand.

The point of the proposed code of conduct is to provide a guide and series of processes to cut the dangers of such accidents to near-zero. The Liaoning-Cowpens confrontation was quickly put behind them by both countries. But in the past, just such near-misses triggered fatal naval exchanges between Chinese ships and those from Vietnam and Philippines. The US, which is still the largest potential naval force in the region, is a major backer of such a code.

Media reports usually stress the great differences and stubbornness of the territorial claims of China, Taiwan and the Asean countries. A similar situation exists to the north, where China confronts Japan and North Korea over ownership of remote island groups. And the recent Chinese decision to declare an air-defence zone over disputed islands was ill-considered and a step backwards from peace.

Mr Sihasak, however, may be on to something with his April agenda. A pre-code agreement, the Asean-China Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea, has weathered a 10-year test and is still officially observed. It may be largely symbolic, but symbols are a step forward.

Washington has expressed hope publicly that Thailand will take a strong, meaningful leadership role this year in efforts to make the South China Sea a safer area.

It is obvious that we are years, even decades, away from actual negotiations over ownership and exploitation of the Spratlys, which are rich in oil and gas potential. In the meantime, however, it is vital to take every step possible to reduce the risk of conflict. Mr Sihasak and the Foreign Ministry must press hard to win universal agreement and complete work on this important diplomatic document.

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