He’s become widely known as the “Popcorn Shooter” due to the corn seed sack he hid his military rifle in at the Laksi gun battle last month — and depending on what side of politics you fall on, he represents either a white knight or a return of the sinister “men in black”.
BLACK OPS: An unidentified gunman, with his rifle hidden in a sack, shoots at pro-government protesters in Laksi on Feb 1.
The hooded gunman’s folk hero status has been cemented to the point where smartphone cases in green and yellow, resembling the colours of the bag he concealed what’s believed to be an Israeli-made Tavor rifle inside, have become a must-have fashion accessory.
But the Popcorn Shooter — who operated with a pointer identifying targets on the other side and collecting bullet shells and changing magazine clips — wasn’t the only professionally trained security person at Laksi intersection on the afternoon of Feb 1.
At least three others came to defend the anti-government protesters as they fought red-shirt supporters — allegedly marshalled by red shirt hardman Wutthipong “Ko Tee” Kachatham-khun — in a pitched gun battle across a major road in front of terrified shoppers at a suburban mall. One was armed with what appeared to be an M16 and kitted out in body armour. They have all earned the sobriquet “men in black” — a term that harks back to the mysterious figures who precipitated violence during the 2010 crackdown on red-shirt supporters.
To the People’s Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) which had sent the protesters to Laksi that Saturday to disrupt the distribution of ballot boxes ahead of the national election, their men in black are heroes, professionals who acted as guardian angels but who were not sanctioned by the PDRC hierarchy. Forensics showed that 39 of the 42 bullet casings recovered by police were fired from the PDRC side. Some of the shooters there wore green headbands, armbands and bandanas over their faces, creating some confusion that they were with the media who identify themselves by green colours.
PDRC co-leader Issara Somchai insisted the Popcorn Shooter was not one of their guards but probably a “soldier coming to help”. He added he did not know how many “men in black” were involved in the incident.
The allegation that soldiers were involved in the shooting and military weapons were used posed a problem for army chief Gen Prayuth Chan-ocha, who insisted the weapons did not come from the army’s stockpiles.
Army sources now believe that the men in black, both those operating now and in 2010, may be professional mercenaries.
“Once they were set up, these men in black have become a permanent fixture in the factional politics,” a senior military source told Spectrum. “They won’t be disbanded as they come in handy for any political camp.
‘‘They are here to stay as long as Thai politics remains in a state of conflict.”
A HISTORY OF VIOLENCE
The men in black, or, less dramatically, “unidentified armed men”, first emerged during clashes between security officers and red shirt protesters on April 10, 2010, at Kok Wua intersection.
The violent confrontation between the unidentified shooters and soldiers, which included military-style weapons and M79 grenades, left more than 20 people dead, including operational commander Gen Romklao Thuwatham and Reuters cameraman Hiroyuki Muramoto.The formation of the red-shirt men in black can be traced back to the late Maj Gen Khattiya “Seh Daeng” Sawasdipol.
Maj Gen Khattiya, who openly declared he was on a mission to build an army of warriors to help protect the red shirts, started the military training of volunteers in the Isan region in 2010, with his warriors serving as guards to the protesters.
Even though Maj Gen Khattiya was assassinated by a sniper while talking to a reporter in front of Lumpini Park days before the Abhisit Vejjajiva government ordered the military to clear out the red shirts, his warriors have stayed on, a military intelligence source said. Most of them serve as bodyguards to red-shirt leaders.
The appearance of the hooded shooters at Laksi has raised the question of whether the anti-government protesters also have in their service a group of professionals with military training.
PDRC protesters — who have insisted that their rallies are non-violent and weapon-free — generally welcomed the armed assistance. Some have coined the phrase ahim-suan, which is a play on the word ashima and taken to mean to fight back with force.
Sources in the army agree that armed guards or "guns for hire", who could be civilians with weapons training, appear willing to render their services to whoever engages them. They also said that soldiers, both in active service and decommissioned ones, could be being employed at the protests.
Gen Prayuth has been quick to deny any association between the men in black and the military.
“There are many people who can move like soldiers,” he said. “Some may have served as conscripts before. That is why they could shoot or employ combat strategies like army men.”
A red-leaning intelligence source in the army, however, said the PDRC had enjoyed support from men in green, both overtly as in the case of retired soldiers including Gen Boonlert Kaewprasit and discreetly from officers still in service.
The source believes the men in black helping the PDRC had received training from professional soldiers. “These soldiers who helped the protesters did not act on army orders but did so in their personal capacity,” the source said.
Some do so because they were asked to provide protection to the PDRC by their former bosses who have since retired, the source said.
Another army source who claimed he is politically neutral agreed that the PDRC’s guards were professionally trained.
“These guards include civilians, former soldiers and some who are still in active duty but joined the force in a personal capacity,” he said. “Some of the guards are vocational students who already joined the protest with the Network of Students and People for Reform of Thailand.”
The source pointed out that the same is true with the red shirts. According to military intelligence, red-shirt leaders in Isan have conducted weapons training for volunteers who make up their own men in black.
The red leadership looks at the weapon and combat training as preparation to counter a possible attack.
“Training is held in virtually every red-shirt village,” the intelligence source said. “Most [of the training], however, is basic training for villagers, usually involving just learning how to use a gun.”
KEEP THEM GUESSING
The term “men in black” is a convenient label and can apply to any armed persons carrying weapons and concealing their identity.
Because they are anonymous it’s easy to fabricate stories about their origins and motives.
After three armed navy seals with VIP passes to the PDRC stage were arrested earlier this year, the outside threat of Cambodian provocateurs was raised, similar to rumours that circulated in 2010.
Rear Adm Winai Klom-in, the chief of the navy’s special warfare unit, cited intelligence reports that foreigners from the eastern border were transported in 10 passenger vans to instigate violence in Bangkok. His warning, which has been strongly denied by Cambodia and the Internal Security Operations Command which monitors border movement, was issued following two bombing incidents in mid-January which killed one man and left dozens injured.
Clearer though, is the shooting of key red-shirt leader Kwanchai Praipana in Udon Thani on Jan 22. After suspected gunman Matuemang Mase was arrested, four soldiers were alleged to be involved in the attack.
National police chief Adul Saengsingkaew has met Gen Prayuth to discuss the alleged involvement of the soldiers and a provincial court has issued warrants for the arrest of six people over the attack.
Gen Prayuth is aware that the extreme political polarisation dividing the country has also affected the army. He has set up his own special intelligence unit which reported that the men in black who have emerged since 2010, including the Laksi masked shooters, were mainly mercenaries.
“These people are guns for hire. They will take up arms and fight for whoever wants to use their services,” Gen Prayuth said.
He insisted that soldiers sent to help keep order at the protests did not carry any weapons. Also, no weapons had been reported missing from the army’s armoury.
The main red-shirt umbrella group, the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD), has consistently denied that it has armed groups in its employ.
This is despite an admission by one hardcore leader, Arisman Pongruangrong, during a 2010 rally that the red movement had completed three stages that would lead it to success: the political party base of Pheu Thai, the grassroots UDD movement and a militant arm of warriors trained by the late Maj Gen Khattiya.
At the height of the 2010 conflict there was speculation that the men in black had been drawn from the disbanded thahan phran formed in 1978 as a paramilitary force to hunt down and clear out communists from their mountain strongholds in the Northeast.
Professor Desmond Ball from the Strategic and Defence Studies Centre of the Australian National University wrote The Boys In Black (White Lotus), a book that documents the thahan phran’s successes, crimes, abuses, political intimidation and corrupt practices. He said at the time of writing that any involvement of the former paramilitaries would be “reason for serious concern”.
“The thahan phran are trained hunter-killers. Many are from poor rural villages, but they’ve always been prepared to be ‘strong armed men’ for the establishment or particular generals,” he said.
PUSHED INTO A CORNER
Rak Chiang Mai 51 is considered one of the most hardcore red-shirt groups in the country, and its members warn that if Yingluck Shinawatra’s government is pushed into a corner, whether it be through a military or judicial coup or pressure from the PDRC, they are ready to fight back.
Worawut Rujanaphpan, a core member of the Rak Chiang Mai 51 group headed by Phetchawat Watanapongsirikul, said red-shirt supporters in eight provinces in the upper North have constantly discussed the political situation and what their options would be if the Yingluck government was pressured to resign.
“We the red shirts will not allow Prime Minister Yingluck to resign. I am confident of that,” Mr Worawut said.
He said he put the question to Ms Yingluck personally when she was in Chiang Mai after the House dissolution late last year. He said she told him she would definitely not resign.
“I was quite concerned. If she said resignation was an option, I would have abandoned her,” Mr Worawut said. “Pheu Thai supporters around the country will not like that either. Ms Yingluck cannot resign, it’s simple.”
He said the red shirts had a contingency plan in the event that the Pheu Thai Party-led government of Ms Yingluck was thrown out but declined to go into details. When asked if it involved violence, he replied: “If they resort to violence, then we will respond in kind.
“I can’t reveal what format we will adopt but I can say that we are ready for anything. Our principle is to protect democracy. We are solid in the North, at an advantage both in terms of strategy and geography. The Northeast could be a reserve base, plus parts of Bangkok.
"The capital will become a battleground. If some people want to see Bangkok burn, they could see it.”
Mr Worawut said Chiang Mai red shirts had functioned independently from the UDD since Yingluck came to power in July 2011, adding their main goals were to protect democracy and bring self-exiled former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra back home. He added that during that period they had expanded their support base.
He added that as the government was not in a dire situation yet due to the failure of the anti-government protests to unseat Ms Yingluck they felt there was no need “to stir the waters”.
Mr Phetchawat denied any red-shirt involvement in the bombing and gun attacks on the anti-government protesters in Bangkok.
“How would the red shirts benefit if violence happens now?” Mr Phetchawat argued.
TALKING TOUGH
But other red shirts in the lower Northeast accused Pheu Thai politicians of being “cowards” in trying to distance themselves from the hardcore members.
“Names related to the violence such as Wutthipong ‘Ko Tee’ Kachathamkhun or Kwanchai Praipana are actually the outspoken people who might attract both hooligans and disciplined militants,” said one source.
The experienced militants are believed to be few in number, but able to mobilise very quickly.
“Various red-shirt groups have capabilities to mobilise supporters but they have streamlined strategies not to have a confrontational presence,” said Santiparp, a core red-shirt leader from Don Muang. “Any casualties, which are still considered relatively minor, happen in Bangkok areas when they are disturbed by PDRC members.”
He said the anti-government alliance of protesters was perceived as more violent with the presence of military and police.
His remarks were confirmed by a PDRC core leader from Pathum Thani who conceded that as well as having contracted armed guards for PDRC VIPs, there were also sympathetic “officers” helping to protect and defend the protest areas.
Pongpisit Kongsena, a core red-shirt leader from Pathum Thani, said the hardcore group had not yet made their presence felt and it was difficult to tell if and when they would “act up”.
“Generally, they react to moves and they don’t initiate the use of force as they are not big in numbers unlike the melon [red] soldiers and police,” said Mr Pongpisit, aka Lek Bandon.
He disagreed with the Northeast red shirts that a coup was impossible.
“It depends on how the current situation evolves,” he said. “If behind-the-scenes negotiations fail, and the deadlock cannot be broken, military intervention might take place. After all, people are aware that this 2007 constitution is a result of a coup-installed legislature,” he said referring to the ouster of Thaksin in 2006.
DAY OF DRAMA: From left to right, the ‘Popcorn Shooter’ who allegedly fired shots in clashes at Laksi intersection on Feb 1 was posted on the Facebook page of the spokesman of the Royal Thai Police Office.
VICTIM OF VIOLENCE: Maj Gen Khattiya Sawasdipol, widely known as Seh Daeng, is greeted by red shirt guards as he inspects barricades on Rama IV Road opposite the entrance to Silom Road.
SEEN IT BEFORE: A suspected man in black during a clash at a UDD rally in Ratchadamnoen in 2010.