From mercenaries hired to incite violence to “amateur warriors” trained to protect red shirts, theories abound about the infamous “men in black”, a group of unidentified armed and hooded people who created defining moments during the 2010 political protests.
Manas: Allied to Thaksin
The mystery men were first spotted in a clash between security officers and red-shirt protesters on April 10, 2010, at Kok Wua intersection, when the Abhisit Vejjajiva government authorised an operation to reclaim Ratchadamnoen Avenue from red-shirt protesters.
Scores of people, including senior army officer Col Romklao Thuwatham, were killed in the violent confrontation. Since then the “men in black” have come to be associated with the red-shirt United Front for Democracy Against Dictatorship (UDD).
A report later released by the Truth for Reconciliation Commission (TRC) identified the black-clad men as a violent element that attacked security forces with war weapons, but there was no hard information as to who these men were.
With no new information coming to light, public interest in the black-clad men faded. That prompted a general feeling that it was time to come to terms with the reality that we might never find out who the mystery men are.
But conjecture about the “men in black” was rekindled recently with the issuing of an arrest warrant for Lt Gen Manas Paorik, former deputy commander of the 3rd Army Region and a senior member of the Pheu Thai Party.
Lt Gen Manas’ name cropped up when key suspects were hauled in by troops during the confiscation of caches of war weapons in Khon Kaen, Nakhon Ratchasima and Ayutthaya. The seized weapons are reportedly linked to the so-called Khon Kaen Model — a volunteer group set up to fight against the coup.
Former senator Somchai Sawaengkarn suggests Lt Gen Manas could shed light on the “men in black” mystery. His comment has inspired critics of the red shirts, in part due to the retired officer’s close affiliation with deposed prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra during his time in the army.
Their relationship in fact dates back to their pre-cadet years. Both are members of Class 10 at the armed forces preparatory school.
His rise to the post of commander of the army’s elite 2nd Cavalry Division, supervising security along the Thai-Myanmar border in the upper North, was criticised due to his political connections with Thaksin.
He was also said to be linked to the 3rd Army’s stepped-up pressure against the Shan people living along the Thai-Myanmar border in an attempt to appease Nay Pyi Taw when Thaksin was in power. The government at that time had a “friendly policy” towards Myanmar.
Lt Gen Manas might have been made commander of the 3rd Army if Thaksin had not been toppled in the 2006 coup.
After entering politics, he kept a low profile. Early this year, his name was mentioned in a report alleging that he told a red-shirt radio station that he suspected the army had a plan to overthrow the Yingluck Shinawatra administration and to use the People’s Democratic Reform Committee as its proxy to create trouble to justify military intervention.
After the May 22 coup, Lt Gen Manas was summoned by the National Council for Peace and Order to report in. He was released after a brief detention only to find himself slapped with an arrest warrant about a month later for his alleged role in the Khon Kaen Model.
According to security sources, Lt Gen Manas is only vaguely linked to the mysterious men in black. But with the Khon Kaen Model having been exposed, political observers and critics are growing increasingly certain he may be the missing jigsaw piece in the 2010 political violence.
Small is not so beautiful
After the dissolution of the House last year, many small political groups got together to form alliances to contest the general election, but now, like the Khon Thai Party, they feel there is no point continuing.
Party leader Uthane Chartpinyo recently announced a decision to bring down the curtain on the group, saying the current situation is not conducive to playing politics following the ban on political activities by the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO).
Uthane: Party costs too high
Mr Uthane said the group had no choice but to comply with the ban even though, he insists, small parties are never involved in creating political and social divisions.
He said the NCPO should not blame all political parties for being the cause of the political morass, adding that such a sweeping condemnation was unfair to small parties.
He said that when the NCPO issues an announcement to allow the Election Commission to resume its normal operations, he will ask it to proceed with the official dissolution of his party.
Mr Uthane said it is tough for political parties to operate without financial support from people who believe in them. The Khon Thai Party had scheduled plans to recruit members, set up party branch offices and prepare for the next election.
But all the arrangements were frustrated by the NCPO’s ban on political party activities. While the Khon Thai Party could not engage in politics, it still had to shoulder costs of between 60,000 and 70,000 baht a month, which included general party expenses, office rent, and water and power bills.
Major parties with huge funds can afford to remain inactive until the next election, but it is tough for small parties, Mr Uthane said.
Khon Thai could no longer afford to go into freeze mode and wait for the new poll.
When the new constitution is in place and an election is called, it will allow for only 120 days at the most to prepare, and that would not be enough time for new parties.
“That’s why I have asked the NCPO to keep small parties separate from the political conflict. When the NCPO issued the ban, the party had to continue shouldering the costs. There were bills to foot but nothing to gain. This is an investment that came to nothing. It was an unacceptable situation, so I decided to dissolve the party,” Mr Uthane said.
He said Khon Thai previously did not meet EC requirements to receive funding from the political party development fund. Therefore, he had to dip into his own pocket to keep the party running.
He complained that various EC regulations made it difficult for small parties to grow and prosper. He said it was ironic that while the previous constitution promoted the growth of political parties, the charter still imposed conditions that restricted small parties with limited financial resources.
It seems money oils the wheels of everything, he noted.
Mr Uthane criticised the NCPO for not doing enough to help small parties.
“I insist that double standards remain. A lot of money is required to keep political parties running. The ban on political party activities affects small parties directly,” he said.
Tiger, tiger, burning bright
Gen Anupong Paojinda, centre, Gen Pravit Wongsuwon, right, and Gen Prayuth Chan-ocha.
The golden age of an influential military clique called Burapha Payak (Tigers of the East) is upon the army with the country’s administration now in the hands of the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO).
The spotlight is on NCPO chief Prayuth Chan-ocha who is a core figure in the powerful clique, which counts former army chiefs Gen Prawit Wongsuwon and Gen Anupong Paojinda among its elite members.
As Gen Prayuth emerges as a clear favourite in opinion polls to be the next prime minister, anything associated with the strongman becomes part of the public domain.
Even his old living quarters at Navamintharachinee army camp — the 21st Infantry Regiment, Chon Buri, where he spent his early years as a military officer 30 years ago — are on the tourism map.
Next month, 1,500 Chinese tourists have booked to visit the quarters which Gen Prayuth shared with his more senior colleagues Gen Prawit and Gen Anupong. The two retired generals retain close connections with Gen Prayuth, professionally and personally.
Gen Prawit was groomed as a "tiger" of the 2nd Infantry Royal Guard in Prachin Buri — a position that secured his top ranking in the army. The term, Burapha Payak, has come to be synonymous with soldiers who grow and advanced their careers in the 2nd Division.
It was Gen Prayuth’s initiative to open non-strategic areas of Navamintharachinee camp to tourists before he led the coup on May 22.
A visit to the barracks, however, requires pre-registration. The camp has so far received tourists from Vietnam, Cambodia and South Korea, as well as Thais. Activities arranged for them include target shooting and diving, with a museum dedicated to military heroes from the Korean War from 1950 to 1953.
The visibly run-down living quarters, called "bachelor dwellings", are a popular spot for tourists. Outside the rooms occupied by the generals small panels are affixed with their names on them. The rooms were assigned to "Captain Prawit" and the other officers of lesser rank.
The brotherhood between the generals runs deep as they have been through political tumult together during their careers as top commanders in the military.
The "three Burapha Payak tigers" have had important roles to play during critical periods in the country’s political history. They are also known to be closely connected to Suthep Thaugsuban, chief of the People’s Democratic Reform Committee protest movement.
After the latest coup, Gen Prayuth signed an order installing Gen Prawit as the NCPO advisory chairman with Gen Anupong as deputy advisory chairman.
A source in the NCPO said the May 22 coup also marked a day of remembrance for the Burapha Payak clique. It was 29 years ago to the day when Lt Col Narongdet Nanthapothidet, respected as the father of the Burapha Payak, passed away.
He was also a unit commander in the 21st Infantry Regiment. Highly loyal to the monarchy, Lt Col Narongdet devised the royal guard study course for military personnel. He died of a heart attack during a study trip to the US on May 22, 1985.