Double standards with TRC ban bid

Double standards with TRC ban bid

Thai Raksa Chart Party leader Preechapol Pongpanich, centre, and other party members show up at the Election Commission on Feb 8 to submit their nomination of Princess Ubolratana as the party’s sole prime ministerial candidate.
Thai Raksa Chart Party leader Preechapol Pongpanich, centre, and other party members show up at the Election Commission on Feb 8 to submit their nomination of Princess Ubolratana as the party’s sole prime ministerial candidate.

The twin hammers that pummelled Thai Raksa Chart Party (TRC) and Voice TV have left the Thaksin Shinawatra camp reeling. Could it be a fatal blow for the Pheu Thai-led coalition? That’s what many are waiting to see with bated breath.

The Constitutional Court (CC) has set Feb 27 to hold its first hearing on the case, submitted by the Election Commission (EC), to dissolve TRC for allegedly undermining the constitutional monarchy system by nominating Princess Ubolratana as its sole prime ministerial candidate in the upcoming general election.

Many people view the EC action as being a double standard. They were amazed at the lightning speed with which the commission acted, from deliberation to filing a case with the CC.

The EC is accused of being biased for failing to allow the TRC to make its case in its own defence before it went to the court. Its action is seen as an about-face, too, because commission officials initially accepted the party’s application without any fuss and even allowed it to use Princess Ubolratana’s images in its campaigning.

In the meantime, the commission’s handling of complaints against the pro-junta Palang Pracharath Party for its dubious fundraising dinner back in December has been proceeding (or not) at a snail’s pace.

The CC is expected to carry the ball from the EC and run with it to the finish line in record time. Rumour has it that the powersthat-be want the case concluded before the poll date to prevent any complications.

Struggling to stay alive against all odds, TRC executives will try to convince the court they submitted Princess Ubolratana as its sole prime ministerial candidate in good faith.

The point of law is still in dispute because of her status as a commoner. And strictly speaking, the Royal Command is not a law.

But this case will not be decided on the point of law. Like it or not, it will be a political decision that will, one way or another, send tremors through the political arena.

The junta royalists are watching Thaksin supporters while squirming with glee. They are looking forward to seeing a third dissolution befalling Thaksin-linked parties.

The onslaught against the Thaksin camp does not stop there. Voice TV, owned by Panthongtae Shinawatra, was dealt another severe blow and ordered to shut down for 15 days during a crucial period of intense political campaigning.

The charges levelled by the National Broadcasting and Telecommunications Commission (NBTC) are flimsy at best. Voice TV’s offence was providing airtime for military regime critics and academics to criticise the government.

The closure order could mean the regime is issuing warnings to other stations that broadcast similarly critical programmes. Or it could mean that all other stations have toed the regime’s line, a perception that does not bode well for broadcast journalism.

Beyond their shared aim at the Thaksin camp, the two cases are also similar in one important aspect; they are both executed by so-called independent organisations.

This has advantages for the military regime because it provides them with a plausible deniability. The regime can claim that this is not an act of vendetta or an attempt to trip its opponents in a fiercely contested election. The independent organisations are simply doing their jobs independently.

But as we all know, “independent organisations” have ceased to be so since May 22, 2014, when the constitution was trampled.

The independent organisations involved in these two cases can take comfort knowing they are protected by the military regime’s Section 44 power that gives them immunity.

It’s true the TRC brought the political wrath upon themselves by proposing a member of the royal family as their prime ministerial candidate.

But fair-minded people can see that the proposed punishment is disproportionate to the crime, although they also suspect there is a powerful and sinister force at work behind the scenes.

The latest development is a clear indication that the regime has abandoned its much-touted claim to achieve reconciliation between conflicting parties when it grabbed power. Now it’s become a main party in the conflict.

Pro-coup supporters continue to justify their stance by claiming that the country could not have been as peaceful as now without the military stepping in. They prefer to be blind to the reality that the perceived peace is actually a quiet simmering with increasing frustration, ready to explode.

Something to keep in mind as well: Most people — Thais included — usually have sympathy for the underdog believed to have been treated unfairly.

The undecided population is believed to be large. Couple that with the number of young voters, most of whom will be voting for the first time. They would make for a deciding vote.

A word to the wise: If the TRC is taken out and another party steps in, it could be even more formidable than the fallen party. There’s a future in that scenario as well. Wasant Techawongtham is former news editor of the Bangkok Post.

Wasant Techawongtham

Freelance Reporter

Freelance Reporter and Managing Editor of Milky Way Press.

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