As China's economic and political clout grows by the day, Europe finds it increasingly difficult to develop an overall approach with dual objectives -- one that does not undermine its unity or upset its ally across the Atlantic, the US. Some European Union members want to take a tougher stand against China due to its limited market access, while others are concerned about possible security threats posed by China's sophisticated 5G network.
With its closer geographical proximity, Asean has taken a clear direction in engaging China, especially on economic matters without the dilemma faced by the EU. It has embraced China's investment and trading regime.
However, both regional organisations do share common approaches with China on key global issues such as connectivity, multilateralism, climate change, and the "One China" policy. These common stands and cooperation could be further expanded in the future when mutual trust moves to a new plateau. With the US becoming more inward looking and focusing on "Make America Great Again", it remains to be seen whether the EU and Asean's engagement with China can generate new collaborative efforts that have a positive impact on global governance and norms.
Last week in Paris, Chinese President Xi Jinping met up with French President Emmanuel Macron, German Chancellor Angela Merkel and European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker to discuss the future of multilateralism and China-EU relations. Their meetings came at the time when Europe wants to display its policy independence toward China without hinging on the US position. More top-notched EU members would like to seek opportunities offered under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Before they do that, they would have seriously taken into consideration overall geopolitical intents and consequences.
Hence, realistic and frank discussions this topic are pivotal to reduce trust deficits. Their meetings also prepared them for the annual China-EU summit in Brussels this Sunday, April 7. The stakes are high for both sides in ensuring that their summit would increase understanding about the constraints on their bilateral relations.
Last month, the European Commission released a document titled "EU-China -- A Strategic Outlook", which identifies China as its partner but with lots of cautionary observations about its preferential diplomatic practices.
The EU knows that it has to engage China with "the right balance of policy approaches" that would essentially be based on a political judgement by policymakers at the European Council. Brussels also knows that the EU must act collectively, following EU law, rules and policies without dissension to achieve its objectives, especially those contained in the EU-China 2020 Strategic Agenda.
In a similar vein, the Asean-China Strategic Partnership Vision 2030 also outlined in detail what both sides can do together in all areas. It is a comprehensive document, with a friendly and collaborative narrative. However, the language used is a bit subdued in comparison with previous action plans on cooperation. Both sides continue to fulfil their agreed action plans earnestly.
Crossing over to Europe, on March 23, Italy dropped a bombshell when it became the first major Western power to back the BRI in infrastructure and connectivity. Indeed, Italy has been bold in overcoming its longstanding denial of China's rise, understanding well that China's assistance would help the world's 10th largest economy to revive and improve its crumbling infrastructure. Italy, not to mention Britain's decision to stick to Huawei's IT network, will help to set a new standard and give China the recognition that it needs. This will boost Beijing's status in the eyes of Europe and the world, proving that it is no longer a second-rate power.
Before Italy, nearly half of EU members signed a memorandum of understanding with China on the BRI. It remains to be seen how the EU will respond collectively to the BRI at the April 7 China-EU summit. Both the EU and Asean share some approaches in relation to the BRI. Individual members within the groupings decided to join the BRI to meet domestic needs.
Interestingly, Asean members have been more enthusiastic in taking up the BRI. Malaysia led with over two dozen BRI-related projects. Indonesia, Laos, Myanmar, Cambodia, the Philippines and Thailand have in varying degrees embraced the initiative. In the future, with some fine-tuning of the BRI from lessons learned from the past five years, the EU and Asean would be able to synergise their connectivity blueprints with the BRI and vice versa.
As a group, Asean has proved that it can be a reliable partner for China as both are strong advocates of free trade and globalisation. They also support the Paris accords on climate change and cutting carbon emissions. Asean and the EU also share similar concerns on these transnational issues. There are also potentials that the trio to act in concerted manners on key global issues.
One of the most intriguing aspects of Asean and EU relations with China, is the issue of Taiwan. The EU has repeatedly said it would continue to adhere to its "One China" policy. Furthermore, the EU has confirmed its commitment to continuing to develop ties with Taiwan and to supporting the shared values underpinning its system of governance. Some EU members continue to challenge the limits of the "One China" approach.
Asean and its members also adhere to this policy and maintains healthy economic relations with Taiwan. Akin to the EU, certain Asean members have strengthened cooperation in non-economic affairs with Taiwan that would not infringe on its professed policy toward China.
In the past two years, Taiwan has been wooing tourists from Asean by adopting a visa-free policy for its Southeast Asian friends. As a result, tourist numbers have increased further, expanding people-to-people relations. Therefore, it further has encouraged Taiwan to be more pragmatic, innovative and friendlier to southern neighbours. Its hallmarked Southbound Policy has been amended to augment people-centred relations and exchanges with more scholarships and vocational training and, most importantly, easier access to capacity building of all resources and dimensions from the region.
Over the long haul, strengthened and trustful relations with Asean and the EU will provide China with more support for its BRI projects, which would incrementally become multilateralised with additional involvements from all stakeholders.
Kavi Chongkittavorn is a veteran journalist on regional affairs.