After making painstaking revisions in the past 18 months, Japan has come out with the region's most comprehensive policy -- the Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) initiative. Tokyo's new framework calls for closer cooperation among countries in Asia and Africa, the world's two most dynamic continents. With this plan, Japan has put its 60 years of post-war diplomatic and economic developmental experience into a single coherent policy that might well last throughout the 21st century.
Countries in the region have taken nearly two years to respond to the Free and Open Indo-Pacific strategy, which was proposed by US President Donald Trump in Danang, Vietnam, in November 2017. In the beginning, few details were available regarding the objectives of the strategy. The initial response from friends and foes alike was uncharacteristically lukewarm. Subsequently, Washington had to up the ante, broadening the strategy by including new areas of cooperation, more funding and partnerships. New legislation has also been put in place to back up the strategy.
Currently, besides the US and Japan, others have come up with Indo-Pacific plans, including India, Australia, France, South Korea and Asean. France is the only European country that has a clear Indo-Pacific vision. Asean will reveal its concept, called the Asean Indo-Pacific Outlook, when Asean leaders, chaired by Thailand, meet in Bangkok at the end of June.
Although South Korea's latest foreign policy landmark, the New Southern Policy, does not specifically name the Indo-Pacific, its overall substance and approach is about strengthening mutual cooperation, and bringing peace and prosperity to the same region, with a special emphasis on the roles of Asean and India.
All the frameworks illustrate one singular trend -- the growing dynamism of the broader Asian region, which is pivotal to global economic growth and stability. It is now generally accepted that the Indo-Pacific region will cover East Asia, South Asia and the coastal countries of Africa that share and link the Pacific and Indian oceans. Therefore, it is crucial to ensure the long-lasting cooperation of all these countries. Any outbreak of war or conflict would derail the noble objectives enshrined in these frameworks.
Central to Japan's initiative is the promotion of a rules-based international order in "a comprehensive, inclusive and transparent manner". It also encompasses all regional and international developmental strategies and norms, free trade and freedom of navigation. Also included are improving physical connectivity and strengthening economic partnerships, with special emphasis on capacity-building for human resources development, which Japan has pursued for the past four decades. Tokyo has a good record of considering the environment, governance and social factors in granting assistance.
In private briefings with Asean members, Japan also pointed out repeatedly two salient characteristics of its initiative. First of all, it is an open and comprehensive concept, not exclusive to anybody. In other words, it is not aimed at isolating any third party, as many countries had imagined. Secondly, in implementing all proposed programmes and activities, there is no need to create a new institution to override existing ones.
It was no surprise that during the past several months, Japanese scholars on Asean and regional affairs have crisscrossed the region to promote Japan's FOIP strategy with additional information and opinions including the country's future diplomatic direction.
Asean members commented extensively on Japan's earlier drafts of the framework because they did not pay enough attention to the role of Asean, given their longstanding cooperation since the 1970s. Deep down, Asean wanted to ascertain that Japan's plan was not merely an extension of the US strategy.
Asean preferred and appreciated Japan's indigenous diplomacy. During the turbulent time with Asean in the 1970s and 1980s, it was the "heart-to-heart" approach -- the hallmark of Japanese diplomacy under former prime minister Takeo Fukuda -- that instilled trust and confidence in Japan thereafter.
The latest FOIP version unveiled early this year identifies Asean centrality and unity as the key catalysts. It has so far received the grouping's strong support. Indeed, one reason Asean is formulating its version of Indo-Pacific cooperation is the belief that it is better to set up its own initiative and desired role, instead of asking others for guarantees.
If Asean does not take a proactive stance on the Indo-Pacific, it could become a pawn in the strategic competition among major powers. It is no stretch to argue that as Asean enters its 52nd year, its confidence has increased, as has its desire for a bigger international profile. For instance, Asean is urging the major powers to adhere to its regional code of conduct, the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation.
Upon closer scrutiny, Japan's initiative must be considered a "motherhood of Asia-wide policy", as veteran Thai diplomats put it. Indeed, it covers all dimensions of bilateral and multilateral cooperation Japan has initiated in the past 60 years. The Indo-Pacific concept provides a unique opportunity for Japan to reflect on its policy successes and shortcomings. and forge new developmental relations and diplomatic vision for this part of the world.
Tokyo has long realised that to win more friends and build trust, based on lessons learned in both mainland and maritime Southeast Asia, it must promote principles that support rule of law, openness and free trade. As Japan's profile grows, its FOIP plan will come under more scrutiny. As such, its diplomacy must be resilient enough to promote international principles and norms while being accepted locally.
Kavi Chongkittavorn is a veteran journalist on regional affairs.