Inarguably, former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra's first public address since his return from self-imposed exile has become the talk of the town, albeit not in the most flattering way.
His speech came just days after he was granted a royal pardon, allowing him to walk free.
His 14-point proposals have drawn mixed reactions. Critics say that some of the "Vision for Thailand 2024" proposals, such as inviting foreign lecturers to boost education, are outdated -- perhaps even irrelevant.
His attempt to link the development of natural gas in the overlapping claims area with Cambodia to the need for lower electricity fees is astonishing. It seems he is turning a blind eye to the fact that Thailand's high electricity costs stem from unfair electricity purchase contracts for natural gas and over-reliance on fossil fuels while, at the same time, the world is now awash with more affordable renewable energy sources.
Many are questioning the proposal for an entertainment complex that includes a casino, given that gambling outlets are no longer as attractive as they once were.
This event is the first, and likely not the last, for the ex-leader, as he feels the urge to reclaim the party's popularity. Pheu Thai, which had always come first in general elections since 2001, finished second in the last poll after the then-Move Forward Party, a political newcomer.
It was the first embarrassment for a party which had prided itself on being the all-time poll champion. Pheu Thai's alliance with parties affiliated with the former junta has caused its popularity to plummet further, while the MFP, now known as the People's Party, tops every opinion poll.
When Pheu Thai formed a coalition last August, Thaksin -- despite claims of poor health that earned him prison privileges and his declaration of abandoning politics -- travelled extensively to the provinces to strengthen ties with local politicians ahead of the next political battle.
He was even reported to be in talks with leaders of Myanmar ethnic rebels, positioning himself as a "peace broker."
His support for Ms Paetongtarn, the 31st prime minister, is no surprise, yet many observers thought he would do so behind the scenes. His Aug 22 presentation suggests otherwise.
However, if he believes that his assertive role will complement his daughter's premiership, he might need to reconsider.
His high-profile involvement raises a significant question: Who is the boss in the coalition party leadership? Such doubts do not bode well for his daughter as a politician.
Ms Paetongtarn firmly denied allegations of her father's domination, saying she is her own person who can "think for herself." She added her father does not hold any government office and that his proposals are "partly drawn from Pheu Thai's policy."
Critics, however, find Ms Paetongtarn's defence of her father unconvincing. They are all too familiar with the ex-leader's influence. In fact, his new ambition reminds many of Pheu Thai's old campaign slogan, "Thaksin thinks, Pheu Thai delivers," from 2010.
Some still recall the backlash from the flawed rice pledging scheme implemented by the Yingluck Shinawatra administration. While Yingluck fled to freedom, two ministers in her cabinet, along with some senior commerce officials, are now serving time in prison for irregularities in the rice scheme.
Pheu Thai takes pride in Ms Paetongtarn, 38, being the youngest prime minister and the second female prime minister in Thailand's political history.
However, the reality is that her rise to power has much to do with dynastic politics, which is problematic, as it closely resembles terms like nepotism and cronyism.
Moreover, controversies surrounding Thaksin, particularly the probe into his prison privileges and alleged breaches of ethics and dereliction of duty involving doctors and prison authorities responsible for his extended stay in hospital, will haunt her administration, which is already facing several political challenges.
During his tenure in the late 1990s to early 2000s, Thaksin's CEO-style governance allowed his administration to pursue bold policies decisively -- thanks to favourable factors such as peaceful global politics, sufficient reserves, ample liquidity in the country, and a lack of competitors.
His party's near-absolute majority was prone to what some called "parliamentary dictatorship." Worse, it was criticised for policy-driven corruption and other scandals until the last days of his power.
Additionally, her administration will face intense scrutiny from the opposition and the public.
If there is anything Thaksin should share with his daughter, it is the necessity to avoid the mistakes and misconduct that led to his abrupt downfall in 2006.
