Former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra's return to the Thai political scene has sparked a frenzy across all media spectrums. Such a brouhaha is understandable. Thaksin is a political figure associated with multiple scandals, an ideal target for investigative journalists. Interestingly, this time around, the exposés are not coming from journos. Instead, they come from Thaksin's inner circle -- his close friends and former aides.
In the past, journalists utilised tools like the 1997 Official Information Act (OIA) to force state agencies to unveil state information that could benefit the public. Thailand was the first country in Asean to enact such free-flow information legislation. Two decades ago, when Thaksin was prime minister under the Thai Rak Thai Party, armies of investigative reporters used the OIA to reveal that he failed to disclose his wealth while serving in Government House.
Journalists also uncovered how Thaksin transferred shares of his family business, Shin Corporation, to his driver and cook, allegedly without their knowledge. There were also other scandals involving officials from ministries involved in infrastructure projects.
Today, the media landscape has dramatically shifted. Traditional journalism, which emphasises fact-checking and editorial oversight, is overshadowed by the speed-driven dissemination of content on social media. This explains why Thai printed media is fading away. Today, influencers and YouTubers are popular news sources as they have -- or claim to have -- direct access to events and can bypass the rigorous standards of professional journalism. The priority is no longer accuracy but speed -- getting the story out first, regardless of its veracity.
Western watchdogs often harshly criticise Thailand's media freedoms, focusing predominantly on lese majeste cases as their sole metric for assessing freedom of expression. This narrow focus misses the larger issue, the pervasive lack of professionalism in Thai media. The harsh reality is that the levels of media professionalism are not commensurate with the high level of media freedom in the kingdom.
The rush to publish has become the new media norm these days. The National Press Council of Thailand and the Thai Journalists Association are well aware of this trend. Indeed, they have appealed to media proprietors and content providers, both traditional and online media, to follow strict media ethics, but they often break the rules when they get big news. Such conduct has eroded the quality of content, leaving the public awash with unverified information, not to mention misinformation and disinformation. As such, the Thai press remains one of the most dynamic in the region -- a vibrant albeit chaotic media environment.
Today, any Thai can now claim he or she is a journalist or citizen journalist and muddle through as nobody will fact-check his or her designation. Social media platforms are also inundated with self-styled commentators who often lack the depth of knowledge and rigorous standards that actual serious journalism demands. This has led to an environment where sensationalism thrives. Such news is branded as khao sai kai, or "egg-covered news", which means exaggerated or sensationalised news or information. This country's public discourse is often shaped more by rumour and speculation than fact-based reporting.
Since Thaksin returned to Thailand last year after 17 years of exile, the Thai media, especially online platforms, has increasingly leaned into this sensationalist approach to attract viewers. Famous journalists, who have transformed from traditional media, often brag about their million-plus viewers. They urge their audience to share and "like" constantly. Doubtless, social media is riddled with comments from newsmakers, both veterans and wannabees.
Today, the most prominent news commentator is Jatuporn Prompan, 58, a former red-shirt leader and once a staunch supporter of Thaksin. His daily appearances on TV and YouTube, where he shares insider knowledge of Thaksin's past and current do-list of political manoeuvres, have made him a media darling and a household name. Kudos must go to the damaging allegations he levels against his former boss. He recently said that he has seven to 10 interviews every day, not counting numerous interfaces with the journalists.
Jatuporn's prominence highlights a troubling trend -- the rise of "negative X-factors" in Thai politics, where political figures like him wield considerable influence by leaking scandalous details to the media. The diplomatic community in Bangkok often questions why politicians implicated in such exposés remain silent. In other Asean countries, similar revelations would likely lead to defamation lawsuits, yet in Thailand, these figures continue to thrive in the public eye.
The ongoing public feud between Thaksin and former friend, Pol Gen Sereepisuth Temeeyaves, 70, is another case. Last week, the vindictive Pol Gen Sereepisuth --a former national police chief -- made headline news by publicly denouncing his 50-year-old friendship with Thaksin, accusing him of betraying him by not giving him a ministerial post. His revelations, backed by evidence, indicate a deeper rift within Thaksin's circle and suggest that even long-standing alliances are vulnerable in the cutthroat world of Thai politics. Pol Gen Sereepisuth's claim that Thaksin, on behalf of his sister, Yingluck, attempted to leverage their friendship to quash a legal complaint against former prime minister Srettha Thavisin only adds salt to the injuries.
For Pol Gen Sereepisuth, the media has become the best channel to send a clear message to Thaksin -- that his silence has a high cost or he cannot be bought. Apart from Jatuporn, the former police chief's knowledge of Thaksin's secrets makes him a force to be reckoned with. This shift -- where political operatives use the media to air grievances and settle scores -- has transformed Thai journalism into a battleground for power plays rather than a forum for objective reporting.
Ultimately, the uncertainties and absurdities of Thai politics have to do with the concept of boon khun, reciprocation or mutual obligation. Both Jatuporn and Pol Gen Sereepisuth highlighted this value. It is central to Thai political culture but has taken on a new, more transactional meaning for these two key whistleblowers. Their actions suggest that in today's political climate, boon khun is less about loyalty and more about leveraging personal ties for maximum political gain -- a "give and take" on a grand scale. One caveat is in order; one must be on the winning side.
Whether this transformation of the Thai media is a boon or a bane depends on one's perspective. The public is inundated with constant opinions and allegations, many of which are more fiction than fact. In a culture where rumour often holds more sway than verified information, these narratives can shape public perception in powerful and self-destructive ways.