
You can call Thaksin Shinawatra a former prime minister and de facto leader of the Pheu Thai Party and, lately, also de facto prime minister, as you wish -- because none of those names are wrong. It would, however, be fiercely denied by the guardians of Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra, who insist she is still in charge of the government and running the country.
Just have a look at recent controversies, be they the entertainment complex project, the online gambling plan, the MoU 44 agreement between Thailand and Cambodia or the idea that the electricity rate should be 3.70 baht per unit. They have Thaksin's footprints all over them, having been hailed and swiftly agreed to by the Pheu Thai ministers concerned without question or reservation.
However, building entertainment complexes and legalising online gambling were not mentioned at all in the policies of the Pheu Thai Party -- they were "spoon-fed" to us afterwards by Thaksin.
The casino project, part of the entertainment complex scheme, is viewed by critics with deep suspicion that a concession will not be granted through international bidding, but rather through negotiation and signing of contract.
The leeway of negotiations opens the door to demands for substantial kickbacks in exchange for a contract to run a casino.
Guess who will get the kickbacks, likely to be huge sums, given the 100-billion-baht investments involved?
But legal online gambling will be more harmful to the public and society than any casino. This kind of gaming operation does not need a complex or huge investment. Only a website, operated by some administrators and a small office will suffice.
The question is: Can the police get rid of underground online gambling? They must lure illegal operators out from underground to apply for proper licences so they can be taxed and pay additional fees, which will earn the government the enormous amount of revenue of its fantasies.
The likelihood is that many will remain underground playing cat and mouse with authorities, or will operate both legal and illegal gambling operations at the same time.
Meanwhile, it is the gamblers, with more options to place their bets on 2 or 3-digit lotteries or football matches at home or in the European leagues, who often end up being the losers. The result will be more household debts.
While the de jure prime minister, Ms Paetongtarn, may appear diligent in her duties, the shadow of her father looms large, pulling the strings. But Thaksin is Thaksin, unable to remain a background player for long, and his insatiable craving for limelight and recognition is too strong. He has already been caught acting as if head of the government. This is typical of his real character, and shows he no longer wants to hide any more.
He couldn't care less that the public perception of him as being the real man in charge of the government undermines his own daughter's status -- and sees her being taken less seriously by foreign leaders.
If Thaksin really loves her and wants her to succeed, he should treat her with more respect and settle for a role helping from behind the scenes. Let's wait and see if he can do so before it is too late.
The daddy-daughter governing of the government coupled with controversial projects or plans, initiated by Thaksin, are reuniting Thaksin's traditional opponents and groups of people who would otherwise watch from the sidelines to voice their opposition.
Not just against the suspicious projects, but also against the potential return of the Thaksin regime.
On one hand, Thaksin's recent outbursts against the critics of his daughter's government and himself and even against a certain coalition party seem to stem from his pent-up anger at being hounded over multiple issues.
These include the virtual life-threatening sickness that allowed him to stay at Police General Hospital for six months without spending a day behind bars, the Mou 44, the entertainment complex scheme and the decades-old Alpine golf course saga.
On the other hand, he may become paranoid that the noose is tightening around his neck over his "virtual" sickness after the Medical Council launched a probe to find out whether he was really ill or not.
But what is more disturbing about the "daddy-daughter" administration is its complete failure to address the choking smog problem in Bangkok and several other provinces. Its ignorance of the importance of the role of the Royal Rain-making and Agricultural Aviation Department is glaring to the extent that many may wonder whether the administration is biased against this royally initiated department.
Supis Pitaktham, former director-general of the department who resigned last year to contest the PAO election in Songkhla, said the department's main obstacle is insufficient funds.
For 2025 fiscal year, the department asked for a 7-billion-baht budget, but was given only 2.1 billion baht. For cloud-seeding operations, the department asked for 600 million baht, but received only 312 million baht which is a pittance to cover operations throughout the country.
Meanwhile, 5.2 billion baht was granted to promote the "soft power" projects headed by Ms Paetongtarn, with most of the funding spent on public relations.
No wonder there has not been any cloud-seeding, leaving Bangkokians to choke on the smog in the days and weeks to come until Mother Nature, in the form of better air circulation, comes to the rescue.
Veera Prateepchaikul is former editor, Bangkok Post.