Major takeaways from Langkawi
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Major takeaways from Langkawi

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From L-R: Myanmar's Permanent Secretary to Asean Aung Kyaw Moe, Singapore's Minister of Foreign Affairs Vivian Balakrishnan and Thailand's Minister of Foreign Affairs Maris Sangiampongsa pose for a photo during the Asean Foreign Ministers' Retreat on Malaysia's Langkawi Island on Jan 19. (Photo: AFP)
From L-R: Myanmar's Permanent Secretary to Asean Aung Kyaw Moe, Singapore's Minister of Foreign Affairs Vivian Balakrishnan and Thailand's Minister of Foreign Affairs Maris Sangiampongsa pose for a photo during the Asean Foreign Ministers' Retreat on Malaysia's Langkawi Island on Jan 19. (Photo: AFP)

Beyond the mundane 44 paragraphs of the Chairman's Statement of the Asean Ministers' Retreat in Langkawi, there are crucial elements worth mentioning and following up on.

As the Myanmar crisis enters its fourth year, Asean is no longer keeping a cool head. The chair statement stated clearly that Myanmar's implementation of the Five-Point Consensus (5PC) had made only "minimal progress". In other words, Nay Pyi Taw has yet to show progress in implementing the 5-point consensus (5PC).

Issued by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) on April 24, 2021 -- two months after the coup in Myanmar -- the 5PC calls for the immediate cessation of violence, constructive dialogue to seek a peaceful solution, an Asean Special Envoy to mediate the dialogue process, Asean overseeing humanitarian assistance, and the Special Envoy regularly visiting Myanmar to meet all concerned.

Of course, Asean members have no reason to be content with the lukewarm response from Nay Pyi Taw. Yet, the chairman's statement did not reveal much about the discussions with Myanmar's Permanent Secretary to Asean, Aung Kyaw Moe.

As in previous meetings, Aung Kyaw Moe kept repeating the same narrative about the election this coming October, political party registration and census taking. The Myanmar junta is now showing the world and Asean its undivided desire to hold an election later this year in the areas it controls. Nay Pyi Taw even plans to invite foreign observers, including Asean, to acknowledge the poll. Thailand has reiterated that any election must be inclusive.

At the press conference, Malaysian Foreign Minister Mohamad Hasan stressed that the election is not the priority, but a ceasefire is. "We said the election has to be inclusive. The election cannot be in isolation. It has to involve all stakeholders," he told a news conference. "We told them the election is not our priority. Our priority is to stop the violence."

That was the new chair's bluntest rebuttal to press the military regime further to abide by the Asean peace plan fully.

As part of the capacity building in Jakarta, the role of the Committee of Permanent Representatives to Asean and the East Asia Summit Group of ambassadors will be further enhanced. They are encouraged to meet more often -- beyond the two scheduled meetings -- to discuss and respond to pressing regional challenges. With their respective envoys based in Jakarta, their leaders in Asean and dialogue partners would be better prepared for deeper exchanges of views.

At the retreat, a frequently asked question is whether Timor Leste will join Asean this year. Malaysia wishes to admit the world's youngest democracy this year. Dili has been waiting patiently for Asean's decision, which remains elusive. To join and integrate with Asean, Timor Leste must accede to 220 documents and protocols covering all three pillars -- political/security, economic and social/cultural.

The President of East Timor, José Ramos-Horta, said in a recent interview with Channel News Asia that his country hoped to become an Asean member this year. What Timor Leste has done, he stressed, merits immediate membership, and it was unrealistic to join the bloc only when it reached the level of Malaysia, Singapore, or Thailand. Dili said it is ready to meet 66 key Asean agreements after admission. To further assist Timor-Leste's capacity building, the Asean Secretariat will set up a unit to facilitate Timor-Leste's accession to Asean.

In addition, given the rising profile of the Middle East, strengthening Asean ties with the Gulf Cooperation Council plus China will be a flagship event this year. Kuala Lumpur will host the second Asean-GCC summit in late May, followed immediately by the Asean-GCC plus China summit. The two meetings will complement one another. Malaysia is also planning a major inter-faith dialogue conference.

To bolster Asean security cooperation, the Asean Regional Forum (ARF) and East Asia Summit (EAS) must be better utilised and efficient. When it was formed, the ARF aimed to engage great powers and rising powers like China and India. This year, the ARF will celebrate its 25th anniversary and should strive to be more holistic and transparent, allowing ministers to dive deep into their discussions.

Asean values the EAS as a leader-only strategic forum for the region. With the EAS, Asean leaders and ministries have a platform to engage directly with the world's most powerful leaders. Unfortunately, at some EAS meetings, reading prepared speeches was the norm. To maximise the EAS platform, interactive dialogue among the leaders must be increased and prioritised over the usual meeting protocol. The EAS must focus on forging a common stand ahead of the EAS. With more time for discussions, Asean could present the bloc's views on global issues in more comprehensive and holistic ways.

With the emergence of a multipolar world, the Treaty of Amity of Cooperation (TAC) signatories in Southeast Asia have reached the landmark 55 High Contracting Parties, over a quarter of the UN members. TAC remains a foundation for maintaining regional peace.

Next year, Asean will commemorate the 50th anniversary of its first regional code of conduct in Southeast Asia. When the TAC was first enacted in 1976, it aimed to keep the peace and prevent the great powers from meddling with regional affairs -- the domestic politics of member countries. The TAC remains a foundation for maintaining regional peace and stability almost five decades later.

In 1992, the UN General Assembly endorsed the treaty, recognising its principles for peaceful dispute resolution and regional cooperation aligned with the UN Charter. This endorsement has facilitated broader engagement with non-Asean countries, enhancing diplomatic ties. Asean is exploring a legally binding instrument building upon the TAC for the wider region.

To strengthen the bloc's resilience and institutional capacity of the Asean-led mechanism, the chair will host a dialogue forum for national security advisers from Asean to discuss issues of strategic concern. The forum, the first of its kind, will help shape the region's inclusive and comprehensive security architecture.

Finally, Asean has now agreed to allow any nuclear power that will commit to its no-nuke treaty known as the Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapons Free Zone to sign up. This is a change of heart from the previous position of wanting all five main nuclear powers to sign together. But will any nuclear power be willing to accede to the SEANFWZ, given the current turbulent world and the highest threat of nuclear war?

Kavi Chongkittavorn

A veteran journalist on regional affairs

Kavi Chongkittavorn is a veteran journalist on regional affairs

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