Time to rethink Thailand's soft power
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Time to rethink Thailand's soft power

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Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra presides at a 'Soft Power Food' event at Government House on Dec 19, 2024. (Photo: Chanat Katanyu)
Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra presides at a 'Soft Power Food' event at Government House on Dec 19, 2024. (Photo: Chanat Katanyu)

For years, Thailand has marketed itself to the world through golden temples, glittering beaches, street food, and warm hospitality. The "Land of Smiles" has become a global brand, but soft power is not a marketing campaign -- it's a long game of developing and nourishing values, trust, and strategic diplomacy. In that game, Thailand is falling behind.

American scholar Joseph Nye coined the term soft power in 1989, but the actual practices by the Thai government predate the phrase. Long before Mr Nye's pen met paper, the United States had already built a far-reaching soft-power network -- sending Peace Corps volunteers abroad, offering scholarships to students from allied nations, and investing in the long-term educational development of its partners. Just as importantly, a constellation of philanthropic and development institutions, such as Asia Foundation, Ford Foundation, Fulbright Foundation, Rockefeller Foundation, and USAID -- the operational engine of the US Department of State (likened to Thailand's Ministry of Foreign Affairs) -- actively promoted human development, knowledge exchange, and public diplomacy. Their common objective was to enhance the well-being of citizens in partner countries.

That kind of power helped shape global norms and won goodwill, especially in Asia, where US-funded institutions, English language teaching programmes and cultural centres became lasting symbols of American engagement. This soft power was not about export quality burgers or blockbuster movies -- it was about presence, partnership, and goodwill-driven purpose.

The model proved so successful that other advanced economies followed suit. Countries like the United Kingdom, Canada, and New Zealand began investing heavily in soft power initiatives through the British Council, the Canadian Development Agency, and multilateral efforts such as the Colombo Plan. The economic returns were impressive: studies by the British Council and Portland Communications estimate that every £1 (44 baht) invested in cultural diplomacy can yield up to £12 in economic benefit. Soft power builds trust, and trust, in turn, drives tourism, trade, and long-term partnerships between people-to-people.

In contrast, Thailand's soft power efforts have largely stalled at the surface. Tourism campaigns dominate the narrative. Food diplomacy gets a nod. A few high-profile pop culture exports make headlines. But the country lacks a clear, strategic vision for what it wants its soft power to achieve -- and, more importantly, what values it wants to project. Without that clarity, Thailand's soft power is all about style, without substance.

Government efforts to brand soft power around "5 Fs" -- Food, Fashion, Festivals, Fighting, and Film -- may seem catchy, but they reflect a narrow and overly commodified view of national influence. These elements are tools, not foundations. Without policy coherence, credible leadership, and a moral purpose behind them, they become hollow exports -- easily consumed and quickly forgotten.

A successful soft power strategy is not built on a tourist brochure. It requires coherence, credibility, and long-term commitment. The Ministry of Tourism and Sports may know how to market a destination and organise international sporting events, but it is the Ministry of Foreign Affairs that must lead and coordinate a national soft power policy rooted in diplomacy, education, cultural exchange, and moral leadership.

More importantly, soft power is a national asset -- a form of invisible and intangible wealth. It must be built on principles of humility, gentleness, and respect. In short, effective soft power is subtle; it is not proclaimed so loudly that it drives our international friends away. It influences through inspiration, not imposition. In promoting Thai boxing, for instance, Thailand should encourage greater participation by foreign athletes, much like Britain once globalised football (known as soccer by Americans!). Just as Japan's judo and Korea's taekwondo became Olympic sports, there is no reason why Muay Thai should not follow the same path -- offered not as a commercial product but as a shared cultural treasure. Likewise, Thailand's culinary heritage, particularly iconic dishes like Pad Thai, holds tremendous potential. With the right support, Thai cuisine could follow in the footsteps of KFC or McDonald's -- not in homogenising the flavour, but in elevating its accessibility and global appeal. A well-organised Thai food diplomacy programme could empower restaurateurs, chefs, and food entrepreneurs to become ambassadors of culture and identity.

Festivals, too, can be woven into Thailand's soft power architecture. Take Brazil's carnival, a cultural spectacle that is both a national celebration and a global magnet. Thailand can similarly position events like Songkran and Loy Krathong as immersive, hospitable, and safe experiences that invite repeat visits and deep emotional connections.

Fashion and film, by contrast, may be over-ambitious pillars. Thailand is unlikely to outcompete France and Italy in fashion or rival Hollywood, Bollywood or even South Korea in terms of the film industry. A more effective approach would be to support niche creative industries, local designers, and independent filmmakers whose authenticity and storytelling reflect uniquely Thai perspectives. Rather than imitate global powerhouses, Thailand should focus on originality and depth.

Above all, soft power requires domestic credibility. When moral authority is absent at home, influence suffers abroad. If youth are silenced, dissent criminalised, and human rights undermined, then the soft power message rings hollow. The Trump administration in the United States proved just how fragile soft power can be. "America First" policies alienated allies and dismantled decades of goodwill. For Thailand, this is a cautionary tale: if values are not upheld and relationships are not nurtured, soft power withers -- no matter how beautiful the branding.

It is time to think beyond smiles and souvenirs. Thailand's soft power must be based on give and take, not just giving off an image. A credible strategy would invest in regional partnerships, educational diplomacy, youth empowerment, and cultural innovation. It would support Thai artists, scholars, and creators -- not only to represent Thailand abroad but to challenge, grow, and speak openly at home.

Soft power isn't about neutrality; it's purposeful leadership. In today's world, leadership is moral before it is material. If Thailand wants greater influence in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and beyond, it must align its global message with domestic reform and empower the Foreign Ministry to shift from goodwill diplomacy to transformative leadership. After all, the world doesn't fall in love with a place just because it's pretty. It falls in love with what a nation stands for.

Peerasit Kamnuansilpa

Former Khon Kaen University Dean

Peerasit Kamnuansilpa is the founder and former dean of the College of Local Administration at Khon Kaen University.

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