After years of diplomatic deadlock, recent moves by Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim and former Thai prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra have sparked cautious optimism over Myanmar. Thanks to their efforts, the world is watching Asean taking a leading role in solving one of the region's most intractable crises.
Mr Anwar, also Asean chair, disclosed on social media the outcome of his rare meeting with Myanmar junta chief Senior Gen Min Aung Hlaing. The meeting, held in Bangkok last Thursday, was arranged by Thaksin, who is now serving as an informal adviser to the Asean chair.
Mr Anwar emphasised the urgent need for a ceasefire and arranging humanitarian aid to conflict-ravaged regions across Myanmar. The Asean chair also said he had held a 40-minute virtual meeting with U Mahn Win Khaing Than of Myanmar's National Unity Government (NUG), the shadow government opposed to the junta government.
Such a meaningful engagement marks the most proactive Asean role since the 2021 military coup plunged Myanmar into a civil war and humanitarian crisis.
If these efforts succeed, credit will rightly go to Mr Anwar for reviving Asean's moral and political role.
It cannot go without saying that Thaksin's behind-the-scenes influence, built on longstanding ties with Snr Gen Min Aung Hlaing, has been helpful. His earlier, controversial meeting with the junta chief during the Bimstec summit now appears to have paved the way for renewed dialogue.
Yet the stakes for Thailand could not be higher. The two nations share a 2,400-kilometre border, along with extensive ties in trade, energy, labour migration, and security. The conflict in Myanmar has adversely affected tens of thousands of people, now in urgent need of humanitarian aid.
The need for aid is now even more pressing following an earthquake that devastated parts of Myanmar, killing more than 4,000 people and leaving many more injured.
Here lies both the opportunity and the dilemma for Thailand. While the government seeks to contribute to regional peace, it must also tread carefully amid ongoing Western criticism -- not least over the recent forced deportation of 40 Uyghurs to China.
The global community will scrutinise Thailand's every move, especially on the country's engagement with the junta which has been shunned by international community, especially pro-democratic Western nations.
Any perception that Thailand is legitimising or endorsing Myanmar's military junta could undermine both its credibility and the broader peace effort. The challenge is to facilitate dialogue without compromising principles, a delicate balance that will define Thailand's diplomatic prowess.
All eyes are on efforts to secure a sustainable ceasefire between the military and NUG-backed forces. Beyond a ceasefire lies the far greater challenge: inclusive political dialogue and national reconciliation. It will not be easy but is still necessary.
The ultimate goal must be a national election in Myanmar. Only an inclusive, transparent election can return Myanmar to lasting peace and legitimate governance.
For Asean, the Myanmar issue will be a test of how relevant the regional bloc can be. But for Thailand, Myanmar issue is a test of its leadership too. No other country in the region holds as much proximity, influence, or strategic leverage over Myanmar's trajectory. If peace and democracy are ever to take root in Nay Pyi Taw, Bangkok must help plant the seed.