Thailand must be bold and dynamic in recalibrating its diplomatic ties with the United States under President Donald Trump. Asia's oldest relationship with Washington carries little weight in the era of transactional diplomacy. Although the 1833 Treaty of Amity and Commerce between the US and Siam described their relations "as long as heaven and earth can endure", the two countries now face formidable challenges in living up to that 192-year-old oath. That treaty was the United States' first treaty with a country in Asia, making Thailand America's oldest friend in the region.
The historic pledge made when the US was searching for its first trading partner in Asia holds little gravity. It is about time for Thailand to stop romanticising its "oldest and greatest friend". The Trump administration has effectively weaponised economic ties with both allies and partners, and Thailand is no exception.
Strategically located in the heart of the Indo-Pacific, Thailand possesses valuable economic and geopolitical forte. To maintain its relevance in Thai-US relations, the country must practise principled diplomacy -- one that is flexible yet firmly rooted in national and mutual interests, as well as the international rule-based order.
These views were derived from a discussion among four retired diplomats who spent parts of their careers engaging with the US as ambassadors or desk officers, spanning more than four decades. They took part in a panel titled "Thai-US Alliance: Reflecting on the Past, Looking Toward the Future". The event, held as part of a week-long series of programs commemorating the 150th anniversary of Saranrom Palace, aimed to assess one of Thailand's most consequential bilateral relationships. The panel featured Supavud Saicheua, Virasakdi Futrakul, Pisan Manawapat, and Nongnuch Petcharat. The four agreed on one fundamental point that the US always prioritises its own interests, regardless of who occupies the White House. What changed are merely the methods and rhetoric. During the discussion, each diplomat recounted how Thailand adapted to different US administrations and the issues dominating each era.
One recalled Thailand's decision to vote against the US at the UN in 1986, when the General Assembly passed a resolution condemning Washington's bombing of Tripoli. At the time, Thailand was politically stable and economically prosperous under Prime Minister Gen Prem Tinsulanonda and Foreign Minister Siddhi Savetsila. So, Thailand voted with "a heavy heart" against the US.
Others pointed to the longstanding US protectionist policies aimed at supporting US farmers and agricultural exports, often intertwined with human rights concerns. These issues are reflected in both general agricultural policy and specific instruments, such as the Trafficking in Persons Report and the Human Rights Report. For decades, Washington used these reports to pressure Thailand on issues impacting US interests. The US also alarmed Thailand when it failed to provide bilateral assistance to bail out the kingdom during the 1997 Asian financial crisis. Furthermore, Thailand's numerous coups and political upheavals have also subjected the country to fluctuating US policies, including the suspension of military aid and freezes on training.
To be fair, the diplomats noted that Washington has often extended a hand during times of crisis. When Britain sought to require Thailand to pay war reparations before it could join the UN in 1946, the US blocked the move. Instead, Washington recognised the Free Thai Movement as the legitimate government of Thailand at the time. The post-World War II Thai-US ties, particularly during the Indo-China War, have been well-documented.
Lest we forget, one key pillar underpinning Thai-US relations has been the Thai monarchy. During their 1960 visit, Their Majesties King Rama IX, who was born in Cambridge, Massachusetts and Queen Sirikit were warmly received in Washington, with the King addressing a joint session of Congress. He was also honoured by Congress in recognition of his 60-year reign. In 1981, during a solo visit by Queen Sirikit, Congress also recognised her humanitarian work and her efforts to promote Thai handicrafts.
Furthermore, the diplomats believe Thailand holds leverage to negotiate with the Trump administration, especially as a US ally in the Indo-Pacific. They were all well aware of the way Mr Trump has treated US allies like Japan and South Korea. Since 1982, Thailand and the US have co-chaired Cobra Gold -- the region's largest annual joint military exercise, involving more than 35 participating countries. Over the past 44 years, Cobra Gold has also become the world's longest-running multinational military exercise in the Indo-Pacific region. The exercise now includes a wide range of activities, such as combined arms live-fire exercises, amphibious operations, and humanitarian assistance projects.
At present, Thailand has yet to officially negotiate with the Trump administration over the economic relations, although its senior officials have met informally recently in Washington. One of the most pressing challenges is the growing trade surplus in Thailand's favour. Under Mr Trump, Thailand has been subject to a 36% tariff hike. In 2024, Thai-US bilateral trade reached US$81 billion (2.6 trillion baht), with Thailand posting a US$45.6 billion surplus -- an 11.7% increase from the previous year.
The diplomats emphasised the need to reduce the trade imbalance and reinvigorate mutual ties. As an agricultural country, one suggested that Thailand explore partnerships with American farmers in so-called red states, which formed Mr Trump's political base. These groups could become future partners in producing agricultural and food-related exports for global markets. Other ideas included more US imports of energy, agricultural products, reducing non-trade barriers, and more Thai investment in the US.
Having witnessed the evolution of Thai-US relations over three decades, the diplomats acknowledged America's contributions to strengthening the alliance. But the geopolitical landscape today is vastly different from what they once navigated. All stressed that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is the agency best positioned to lead, coordinate and drive Thai-US relations.
Therefore, Thailand must build leverage by diversifying its strategic engagement with key US stakeholders -- Congress, think tanks, military state governments, the private sector, and civil society. Most importantly, the country must deepen ties with Asean and China in ways that benefit the relationship with the US.
In the Trump era, Thailand does not need to feign shyness. If Thai and US interests align, then cooperation is welcome. If they are not, each country must be prepared to walk its own path.
Kavi Chongkittavorn is a veteran journalist on regional affairs.