Amid Myanmar's unrelenting crisis, it is women who are quietly reshaping the nation's future. As the country reels from military violence, institutional collapse, and humanitarian catastrophe, women have stepped forward -- not just as survivors, but as leaders. Their courage is grounded in daily acts of resistance, care, and community-building that keep society intact.
Since the February 2021 coup dismantled a fragile democratic transition, Myanmar has plunged into a multilayered emergency. More than 20 million people need humanitarian aid. Over two million have been displaced. Public services have collapsed, civil liberties have vanished, and impunity reigns. With global attention drifting, women have filled the void -- organising aid, running underground schools, leading resistance networks, and offering a vision of democracy.
They have led civil disobedience movements, documented war crimes, sustained underground education, delivered humanitarian aid, and coordinated resistance networks. These are not supporting roles -- they are the backbone of survival, the architecture of resistance, and the foundation of any future democratic transition.
This truth came into sharp focus at the recent Regional Dialogue on Women's Leadership in Myanmar, where parliamentarians, civil society leaders, and regional actors gathered to recognise the indispensable role of women in political resistance and grassroots governance.
Stripped of formal authority, many elected women leaders have continued to organise in exile, build alternative systems of governance, and advocate for their communities on the international stage.
Their innovation is striking. From launching community lotteries to establishing informal development banks, women have created pathways to sustain resistance and deliver services in places abandoned by the state.
They run schools in displacement camps, provide healthcare in conflict zones, and keep local economies alive. Yet, despite their vital contributions, they remain sidelined from formal political processes. For them, education is a frontline of resistance. With formal schools bombed or militarised, women have stepped in to provide learning through underground classrooms, community hubs, and family-led instruction. As one teacher from Kayin State said, "Even if we cannot teach chemistry, we can teach compassion, courage, and conscience." These efforts are not just about education, but efforts to preserve dignity, hope, and the capacity to imagine a future beyond fear.
Myanmar's women are demanding recognition of their labour, their knowledge, and their rightful place in claiming the fight for democracy and equality and shaping the country's future. The evidence is clear: where women lead, fractured societies begin to heal. Their leadership is strategically grounded in experience and essential to sustainable peace.
Across Southeast Asia, we see that institutionalising gender equality is possible. The Philippines' Magna Carta of Women has helped embed gender-responsive governance, while Indonesia's gender quotas and budget mandates have opened pathways for women's political participation.
These models are not flawless, but they prove that structural inclusion is achievable. For Myanmar, gender equity must not be a footnote to democratic transition. It must be a cornerstone of its legitimacy.
Asean's response to the Myanmar crisis remains strikingly gender-blind. While the bloc frequently cites its commitment to the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, it continues to marginalise women-led civil society groups. Humanitarian aid is routinely routed through military-linked channels, bypassing the very community-rooted organisations that have demonstrated both credibility and reach in delivering aid and support on the ground.
This approach must be fundamentally rethought. A credible regional response demands structural inclusion -- not symbolic gestures. That means directly funding women-led initiatives, guaranteeing their representation in political and peace negotiations, and safeguarding women human rights defenders from intimidation, violence, and detention.
During the dialogue, a proposal emerged: to establish a parliamentary task force on women, peace, and democracy, starting with Myanmar. Such a mechanism could track threats against women leaders, advocate for their participation, and press Asean governments to uphold their WPS commitments. Amid regional inertia, this task force could offer both moral clarity, solidarity and strategic direction.
Even as acts of resilience grow stronger, international support continues to recede. Funding for women-led organisations has dwindled. Diplomatic engagement has faltered. And looming is the threat that sham elections orchestrated by the junta may be legitimised in the name of "stability." Such an outcome would not only undermine Myanmar's pro-democracy movement -- it would betray the very women who have risked everything to sustain it.
At the core of their struggle lies a vision of peace that is profoundly feminist -- not as a slogan, but as a framework grounded in justice, care, and accountability. It is a peace forged not through elite bargains, but through the leadership of survivors who refuse to be defined by their suffering. It is a peace that embeds women at the heart of constitutional reform, humanitarian governance, and national healing.
Myanmar's women are shaping this future -- with courage, conviction, and a commitment to their communities. They are doing so without safety nets, without stable funding, and too often, without the recognition they deserve. The real question is whether the region -- and the international community -- will find the political will and moral clarity to stand with them.
Yuyun Wahyuningrum is Executive Director, ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR).