Bangkok Post: Opinion

A mass prayer from the clergy. An appeal for non-violence from reformist monks. An army of cooks and cleaners from a fundamentalist Buddhist sect.

Don't say that religion and politics should not mix. This popular misconception is just that, a misconception. The challenge now is how to make our conflict-ridden society return to its senses through the ancient wisdom of Buddhism.

Fear of bloodshed from the current political divisiveness has triggered a flurry of petitions and activities from civic groups to stem violence. Such a fear is so widely shared that even our conservative, pro-establishment clergy feels it must do something to intervene.

And they've done it the only way they know how - by staging a mass prayer which also made a good photo op.

Apart from the chanting in ancient Pali (which most of us do not understand a word of), we did not hear anything else from the elders. A group of reformist monks and nuns took a step further by making a public appeal for non-violence.

 All sides should refrain from violent speech including the use of rude words, half-truths and demonisation because they instigate violence. All sides should also refrain from arming themselves with weapons, to make non-violent political assembly possible, they pleaded.

Whether their moves are sufficient or not, their message for peace and the need to transcend anger and hatred - the root cause of violence - is true to Buddhism. Which is why what Santi Asoke is doing at Government House sticks out like a sore thumb.

With all due respect, Santi Asoke has done much to make Thai Buddhism relevant again amid today's excessive consumerism. Its advocacy of a back-to-nature and self-reliant community is a critique against the authoritarian clergy lost in materialism and power play, as well as an effort to offer a solution to the environmental degradation and moral bankruptcy.

As the backbone of the protests, the so-called dharma army from Santi Asoke has been stoically doing the cooking and cleaning for the People's Alliance for Democracy.

Why? Many doubt the political motives of Phra Bhodhirak, Santi Asoke's leader, given his bitter feuds with the mainstream clergy which ostracised him and his sect. The simple answer, however, is his longstanding ties with Maj-Gen Chamlong Srimuang, one of the core leaders of PAD.

Believing that politics must embrace religious morality, Santi Asoke has been with Maj-Gen Chamlong through thick and thin, from his campaigns for Bangkok governor, his establishment of the Palang Dharma party and now, his drive to get rid of money politics.

Phra Bhodhirak has argued in the Santi Asoke newsletter that he must support the PAD because it is in the right. Politics, he added, is essentially about serving and liberating people, which is what Buddhism set outs to do.

He can say anything and, given Santi Asoke's military-like emphasis on discipline, his followers will follow wherever he leads.

It pained me to see the devout Buddhists of Santi Asoke stoically doing the heavy chores while being unable to utter a word to question the PAD core leaders' demonisation tactics to stir up anger, hatred and to whip up moral superiority to legitimise violence.

Can't they see that all this is against Buddhist teachings?

How to avoid the crisis of divisiveness through Buddhist wisdom? Ironically, we had to hear this from a lay person, Seksan Prasertkul, former student activist and communist insurgent, and not from the elders.

If we understand the Buddhist concept of void, he said, we will know that dichotomy, such as the division of people into good and bad, is a form of extremism that must be transcended.

Voidness, he said, is the state void of separate self, because all are relative and dynamically shaped by inter-related forces into different forms at different phases. As such, all are inter-connected and one in the stream of change.

Wait a minute. If all is one, does that mean the self-righteous PAD can become as dictatorial and power-clinging when anger, hatred and greed are their masters, like their political foes?

The answer is chilling.

August 11, 2008

By now it is obvious that former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his wife, Khunying Potjaman, will not return to their home country for a long time and will not stand trial in court on all the cases against them as well as other cases which are yet to reach the court of law.  The couple are currently in London with their three children who flew from Bangkok to join them since Saturday.

Both Thaksin and Potjaman who are on bail are due to report to the Supreme Court's criminal division for political office holders today.  Their lawyers will have to explain to the court the reason for their clients' failure to show up.  But I wonder what else the lawyers will be able to say to the court to ensure that their clients will return to stand trial now that Thaksin has made clear that he will not come back because he has no faith in the justice system here which he strongly feels of being interfered with and of being biased against him and his family.

In his hand-written letter explaining his reason not to come back to stand trial which was faxed from London to the media in Bangkok, Thaksin claimed that he was the target of an assassination attempt in order to get rid of him from Thai politics and from Thai soil.  Thus the need for him and his family to take a temporary refuge outside Thailand.  Nevertheless, he vowed to return "when the time is right".  "Today is not my day," he said.

Many of Thaksin's supporters will have sympathy for him and will miss him.  They will also believe in what he said.  His opponents, however, will cheer his departure although some of them, like the PAD core leaders, said they wanted him to stand trial.

For me, I believe Thaksin's absence from Thailand is a blessing in disguse for the country and, in particular, for the political climate which should gradually and steadily improve.  Our worst fear that there may be violent clashes between pro- and anti-Thaksin forces which could lead to a bloodshed should, from now on, ease.  But this does not mean that the deeply-entrenched political divide and hatred between the two opposing sides will soon disappear because of the absence of the Thaksin factor.  The rift is so wide that I have no idea when it will be bridged.  Or whether it will ever be bridged.

Minus Thaksin, the People Power party is doomed.  Already beset with bitter infighting, the party is likely to break up.  The next election will see medium-siezed parties competing with one another without a single party emerging as the dominant party. 

As for Thaksin, despite all the court cases and corruption charges against him, he remains the same old Thaksin - defiant, arrogant and that he is always right.  Not even the judiciary which most of use have faith in it is seen by Thaksin as being biased against him.  With this kind of mindset and attitude against the justice system here, I believe Thaksin will be away from the country for a long, long time.  I wonder his final wish to return to his motherland and to "rest in peace on the Thai soil" like all Thai citizens will ever be fulfilled.

As a kid I loved going to amusement parks - in particular roller coaster rides. There's the anticipation that builds up as you climb on and buckle up in your seat. Then the ride starts, climbing gradually as you reach a high point, then the rush as you zoom down, then up and over and upside down. What as rush, what a thrill. The great thing about these rides is that you know, in the back of your mind, that eventually the ride will slowdown and you are back to where you started - in most cases - safely. What a sense of relief. 

Our political history, especially our journey towards a more democratic society, has been like a roller coaster with its ups and downs. Despite periods of political uncertainty, in most cases (except in instances where violence erupts)  we eventually get to enjoy that sense of relief when finally things settle down. And in the past tumultuous situations do eventually settle down.

But for the past several years now this has not been the case. Political uncertainty has prevailed far longer than expected. What's different from the past is that we remain a country deeply divided. What's different from the past is that we do not really know how it will all play out or what is the way out. Of course, our country's current situation cannot be compared to a kid's roller coaster thrill. It is far more serious and the worst case scenario is simply disastrous.

Again we are faced with a bid to amend the charter, driven by supporters of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. Again we are faced with protests by his opponents who say the move serves only  individual interests (namely that of Thaksin) rather than the public at large. Over the weekend, the political temperatures rose when charter amendment opponents took to the streets in protest despite Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej's attempt to defuse tensions by proposing a referendum on the issue. Already some minor clashes have occurred between pro and anti-charter groups while the Cabinet today resolved to proceed with the referendum.

When amendment deliberations commence in Parliament, opposition will heighten and worsen the divide. There is talk and fear that supporters of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, specifically New Chidchob from Buriram, would muster up support for the charter amendment by bringing in rural supporters into the city. Politicians have told me that if this occurs, the Army will try to 'block" them from entering the city. But if the rural numbers are large, we will be faced with an undesirable situation of people squaring off with the military - a potential powder keg.  

Simmering along side moves to amend the charter is the Jakrapob Penkair controversy resulting from his comments on the Monarchy, the patronage system and democracy. Many believe the Jakrapob issue could trigger yet another coup d'etat, despite public comments otherwise by military leaders. I had hoped over the weekend that Mr Jakrapob would make the right decision - resign and face whatever legal action is filed against him. Such action would ease tension considerably and remove a likely trigger for a coup d'etat. But the trigger remains and it appears that it will remain in place for another seven days as Mr Jakrapob "takes leave" to consider his options. He will assess, as advised by Mr Thaksin, to explain his comments and gauge public feedback. The word is, however, that quite a number of combat commanders are ready for the tanks to roll but their superiors at the top have remained silent, for now. They too, I am certain, will be monitoring feedback. Let's see what happens within the next seven days. 

In the meantime the People's Alliance for Democracy continue their demonstrations in front of Government House. If supporters of the charter amendment gather as well, the prospect of confrontation increases. The role of police is crucial at this stage. They must keep the opposing groups apart. They must be firm yet fair to both sides. The military must also show restraint. But in the end, much depends on those supporting and opposing the proposed charter amendments. Both sides often talk the talk of democracy.

But we must not forget that a crucial element of any democractic society is tolerating differing and opposing views. It means accepting the rights of others to express those views which we so vehemently disagree with. It means avoidance of any form of violence against those who express a different view. It means refraining from using physical force to make a point or just because we do not achieved what we want. We all need to learn this fundamental principle.