The Lisu: Far From The Ruler, by award-winning journalist and historian Michele Zack, documents 30 years of globalisation for this hill-dwelling ethnic group whose name in China means "those who have come down from the roof of the world", a possible reference to the eastern Tibetan plateau.
Part I of the book traces the origins of the Lisu, their history into modern times, migration routes, identity and cultural fluidity, social organisation, symbolism and dispute resolution. Part II deals with aspects of gender roles, including courtship and bride-price negotiations, the household including division of labour, feasting, cosmic views and the economy, where Lisu women act as equal partners. The book ends with an overview that sketches the group's presence in Thailand, Myanmar and China, where most of the 1.5 million Lisu live.
Speakers of a Tibeto-Burman language, a little over a century ago Lisu communities moved into Thailand from Myanmar for reasons connected to poor harvests, high taxes but also banditry. Doi Chang, in Chiang Rai, is the longest occupied Lisu village in Thailand. Most Lisu groups have embraced Christianity, with the exception of those in northwest Thailand, which are the smallest and least Christianised.
Their propensity to shun authority is manifest in their living at a safe distance from conventional forms of government, while conveniently allowing for opium farming at high altitude. Though loss of full Lisu language ability has been observed in the younger generation, particularly in urbanised settings, they have developed a core of "Lisu-ness" which endures despite intermarrying with and living among other hill-dwelling tribes. This central core is integral to the Lisu psyche that defines their ethnicity despite cross-border migrations, large-scale conversions and displacement. This core, impervious to change, is the nexus, or point of contact, where cash connects Lisu and non-Lisu, while labour and social relations pervade contact between Lisu and Lisu.
The Lisu are praised for their particular brand of egalitarianism, devoid of class or caste. No one clan is superior to another and respect is not bestowed but must be earned along with one's place in the community. The concept of myi-do (repute) underpins the standing enjoyed by Lisu individuals, where myi means name and do signifies power in the sense of accomplishment. Myi-do is not inherited through family lineage but is earned through hard work, fulfilling personal obligations, correct speech and adherence to Lisu customs.
Equal opportunities do not apply to bloodline, which is governed by a strict patrilineal transmission. Only men can become shamans but, though women hold the purse strings, they are nevertheless subordinate to men. In gender roles, courtship and sexuality, girls are expected to know about sha-taw (shame) and males must be resourceful, protective and clever. Similarly to other cultures, modesty in females is a virtue, at least until marriage, when the stress of the constant concern about shame is replaced by the stress of living with the husband's family. A prospective bride as young as 10 or 11 occasionally moves in with her future husband's family for safekeeping.
Not dissimilar from the Chinese theory of yin and yang, life, activities, customs and rituals are conducted along dualistic principles (man:woman, heaven:earth, east:west, top:bottom, left:right). The Lisu ascribe two components to a human being: a body and a soul. Though often spoken of in the singular, the soul is held to be multiple, with women having seven souls and men nine. Upon death, the soul floats to the sky (above) while the bones go to the earth (below). Dualism is also observed in the division of labour, with men marketing produce in lowland towns and women engaging in childcare and cooking. Both sexes work equally hard in the fields, albeit at different tasks.
The Lisu way of life is largely secluded in isolated villages, slowing down assimilation while preserving the traditional. However, they are not immune from the common desire for benefits offered by modernisation. When need calls, the Lisu can be eminently pragmatic, as when an entire family converted to Christianity so that an eight-year old boy could attend a school run by Christian fathers. Disputes are settled by negotiation, and damages are calculated in pigs, opium or cash, even for sexual offences like extramarital affairs.
Their intensive farming practices require new fertile ground but the Lisu are ambivalent migrants and prolonged stay in one place makes them feel hemmed in. They are noted for being ingenious and adaptable, including make-do inventions where they reproduce an idea with materials found in their immediate surroundings. Much of the credit for this trait is the Lisu way of "learning by doing", which tests resourcefulness by replacing theory with experimentation.
Few studies have been conducted on the Lisu and the results of data collected by missionaries and anthropologists have not been optimised in part due to reluctance for mutual recognition and knowledge sharing. At a time when the group's cultural cohesion is increasingly under threat, The Lisu: Far From The Ruler is a welcome contribution to the study of this little-known ethnic group. In the words of David Morse, a native Lisu speaker born in Burma to missionary parents and long-term resident of Chiang Mai: "There is a push for cultural committees in all countries where Lisu live today -- older Lisu and leaders are especially worried about preserving culture. They're doing something about it, though sometimes too late." No doubt the Lisu hope they can continue to live far from the ruler for years to come.
