It is often said that Thailand resolves around political events. Here are the five most dynamic and attention-grabbing stories — the youth-led, anti-government protests, the Future Forward Party’s spectacular fall, Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha surviving the Constitutional Court’s rulings that threatened to deliver the death warrant on his premiership, the Provincial Administrative Organisation (PAO) elections held for the first time in six years and the internal turbulence experienced by the main opposition Pheu Thai Party — which have left their mark this year.
1. Anti-government protests
Anti-government protesters, most of whom were students, fill Ngam Wong Wan and Phahon Yothin roads at Kasetsart intersection in Bangkok on Oct 19. (Photo by Varuth Hirunyatheb)
After about five months of street rallies, leaders of the anti-government movement now face multiple charges brought against them by police, including violations under Section 112 of the Criminal Code or the lese majeste law.
The demonstrations began in July, initially pushing for three demands — constitutional amendments, dissolution of the House and an end to the harassment of government critics. The protest movement originally called itself the Free People group before renaming itself many times.
On Aug 3, protest leader and lawyer Arnon Nampa created a stir when he raised the monarchy reform issue at a rally near the Democracy Monument.
At another rally at Thammasat University’s Rangsit campus on Aug 10, Panusaya Sithijirawattanakul, a co-leader of the protest, read out a set of 10 demands for reform of the monarchy. The incident shocked many and people began to accuse the protesters of crossing the line.
The protest group then held a rally at Sanam Luang on Sept 19-20 before the movement rechristened itself as "the Khana Ratsadon (People’s group) 2020," which was later renamed the Ratsadon group.
On Oct 14, the group held a gathering at the Democracy Monument before marching to Government House, pressing for monarchy reform and the resignation of Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha among other demands.
That day, the royal motorcade of Her Majesty the Queen and His Royal Highness Prince Dipangkorn Rasmijoti passed along Phitsanulok Road, which was cordoned off by security officers to stop protesters.
However, many protesters got through, and many were seen flashing the three-finger salute as her motorcade passed. Gen Prayut then declared a state of emergency.
On Oct 16, protesters gathered near Pathumwan intersection before police used water cannon to disperse them. On Oct 26, demonstrators rallied at the German embassy in Bangkok where they highlighted monarchy reform. His Majesty the King travels to Germany from time to time.
After parliament rejected a charter amendment bill sponsored by the Internet Law Reform Dialogue (iLaw) group on Nov 18, protesters converged at the Ratchaprasong intersection before moving on to the national police headquarters nearby.
On Nov 19, Gen Prayut declared that all laws, including Section 112 on lese majeste in the Criminal Code, would be enforced against protesters who broke them.
From then on, several protest leaders were charged with violations of Section 112. As of Dec 5, at least 17 of them were summoned to answer charges, including Parit Chiwarak, Panupong Jadnok, Ms Panusaya, and Mr Arnon.
2. Future Forward Party’s spectacular rise and fall
Despite being a newcomer to Thai politics, the FFP stunned both the public and politicians with its remarkable performance in the March 24, 2019 election when it won more than 80 House seats via both the constituency and party list systems.
The FFP’s “unconventional” political stance, which promised a break from the old politics, was communicated to its followers of mostly young people via Twitter and other social media outlets. The FFP applied for party registration in March 2018 and was endorsed by the Election Commission on Oct 31 that year. Under the leadership of Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, many party candidates, who were political novices, defeated veteran politicians in several constituencies. The party won more than 6 million votes in the poll.
With 80 House seats, Future Forward became the third largest party after the Pheu Thai Party and Palang Pracharath Party (PPRP).
However, the party and its allies led by Pheu Thai became the opposition as the PPRP-led coalition succeeded in forming a new government.
On Nov 20, 2019, the Constitutional Court disqualified Mr Thanathorn as an MP over shares he owned in V-Luck Media Co, a media firm, at the time of registration of his election candidacy, in violation of the constitution.
The same court ruled on Feb 21, 2020 to dissolve the FFP and ban its executives from politics for 10 years, over a 191.2-million-baht loan the party accepted from its leader, Mr Thanathorn, in breach of the political parties law.
The FFP’s existence lasted only one year, four months and 18 days. After the dissolution, the FFP was reborn as the Move Forward Party (MFP) and took most of the remaining MPs of the disbanded party, with Pita Limjaroenrat taking the helm. Mr Pita said the party remained committed to the ideology of the FFP.
Mr Thanathorn and other former FFP executive members also formed the Progressive Movement group to engage in politics outside parliament, working in hand and glove with the MFP which focuses on its parliamentary role.
3. Prayut survives legal challenges
Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha looks set to stay for the long haul after surviving three legal challenges which threatened to torpedo his premiership.
On Dec 2, all nine Constitutional Court judges found Gen Prayut not guilty of occupying an army residence after he retired from the armed forces.
The issue was brought to the court by the opposition, which argued that there is a conflict of interest in allowing Gen Prayut to continue staying in army housing as premier.
According to the court, his occupancy was allowed under a 2005 army regulation, which lets army chiefs stay on base after they retire if they continue to serve the country well.
Gen Prayut moved into the house at the 1st Infantry Regiment base on Phahon Yothin Road in Bangkok shortly after he became army chief in 2010, the army said.
The court said the regulation came into effect before Gen Prayut became army chief, and other former army commanders have also received the same benefit.
Prior to this, the prime minister had survived two other legal challenges to his premiership.
On Sept 11 last year, the Constitutional Court rejected a petition lodged by the Ombudsman about the incomplete oath of office recited by Gen Prayut before His Majesty the King at his swearing-in ceremony on July 16. The court unanimously resolved that it didn't have the authority to weigh in on the matter.
Seven days later, the court ruled that Gen Prayut, as the chief of the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO), was not a state official — a decision that cemented his position as prime minister. The ruling was made in response to a petition from opposition parties.
They argued that Gen Prayut, in his capacity as chief of the now-defunct NCPO, was a state official — as such, he was not eligible to hold the post of prime minister after last year's election.
The court said the position of the NCPO chief came to be as the result of the seizure of power by coup-makers in 2014, and as the post was not under the command or supervision of the state, Gen Prayut was not a state official.
4. Local elections at last
After a six-year delay, elections for members and chairs of Provincial Administration Organisations (PAO) took place in the 76 provinces outside of Bangkok on Dec 20. They were the first local polls since the 2014 coup.
PAO chairpersons serve for four years but are not allowed to serve more than two consecutive terms, while members of the PAO councils have a four-year tenure.
It was the first time candidates contested the local polls with the official support of political parties they had affiliations with, thus revealing the connections between national political parties and local politicians, unlike in the past when their ties were kept hidden.
In several provinces, the polls were initially thought to be a close race between established local political families and emerging contenders, particularly from the Progressive Movement co-founded by Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, former leader of the now-defunct Future Forward Party.
Mr Thanathorn had been campaigning vigorously for PAO seats across the country as he vowed to end the power monopoly held by local clans.
He had reportedly predicted the group was on course to clinch a landslide victory but in the event, its candidates failed to win a single PAO chairmanship.
The group fielded chairmanship candidates in 42 provinces but although the group failed to secure a single chair, 2.67 million people voted for its candidates, Mr Thanathorn said.
The PAOs are the largest local governing bodies and have close contact with local residents as they are responsible for arranging public services and utilities.
They derive their income from taxes including local maintenance tax, building and land tax, and signboard tax. Other revenue comes from the national budget.
For the 2021 fiscal year, the government has allocated 90.97 billion baht to local administrative organisations, of which more than 28 billion baht has been given to the PAOs in the 76 provinces.
5. Pheu Thai’s house-cleaning
Khunying Sudarat Keyuraphan talks on the phone at Pheu Thai Party HQ in this March 24, 2019 photo. She has since quit the party. (Photo by Patipat Janthong)
The main opposition Pheu Thai Party underwent restructuring meant to sort out internal conflicts although it has failed to keep some heavyweights, most notably party chief strategist Sudarat Keyuraphan.
She resigned from the party’s strategy committee in September before quitting Pheu Thai on Nov 30.
Other Pheu Thai stalwarts — Pokin Polakul, Watana Muangsook and Pongsakorn Annanopporn who were not MPs — also quit along with her.
Pheu Thai leader Sompong Amornvivat previously set up 11 committees responsible for various tasks. Some committee members are former executives of the now-defunct Thai Rak Thai and People Power Parties.
A political affairs panel was also put under Chaikasem Nitisiri, the former justice minister and a key party member, which supplanted the strategy committee.
The rift began in October when a new Pheu Thai executive board began omitting her closest aides from working committees, reducing her influence in the party.
Pheu Thai sources said she left because she did not see eye to eye with the new party executives.
The sources also said those in power in Pheu Thai were not happy about Khuying Sudarat campaigning for Provincial Administration Organisation (PAO) chairman election candidates who reportedly did not have party support.
The 59-year-old previously confirmed she was looking to establish a new party after severing ties with Pheu Thai.
However, another source said Khunying Sudarat was unlikely to switch camps. “Even though she quit the party, we are still in the democratic camp,” the source said, referring to opposition alliance led by Pheu Thai.
On Dec 28, she reportedly registered Thai Srang Thai (National Building Party) with the Election Commission. Once the new party is formally approved, it will convene a general assembly to select an executive board, according to a Pheu Thai source.
Observers also believe the new party under Khunying Sudarat's leadership could be part of a strategy known as taek bank pan, or the concept of “breaking a 1,000-baht note into smaller denominations”.
The strategy is believe to have been adopted by ex-premier Thaksin Shinawatra. The name refers to the role of smaller parties which support Pheu Thai during elections. The parties are likened to ‘small branches’ waiting to form a government post-election with the large party they originally broke away from.