More than a month has passed since Chadchart Sittipunt rode a wave of support to enter City Hall.
This was also done on the back of scepticism in some quarters about where his political loyalties lie.
The most popular Bangkok candidate to become governor in the capital's election history, evident in the 1.3 million votes he garnered in the May 22 polls, has vowed to be blind to the colour-coded politics which has gripped the country for decades.
He has been busy trying to fulfil his election promises while being reasonably responsive to the powers-that-be in Government House.
A source said it would neither be possible nor necessary to please everyone serving as governor.
Two weeks ago, he turned his attention to straightening out peace and order in the city by issuing a City Hall announcement designating seven sites where people can hold demonstrations under the Public Assembly Act, though rally organisers must seek permission first and follow related laws.
The Bangkok Metropolitan Administration (BMA) invoked its authority under Section 9 of the Public Assembly Act and Section 49 of the Bangkok Metropolitan Administration Regulation Act to allocate spaces for public gatherings with rules and conditions for use of those sites, according to the announcement.
The seven sites are the Lan Khon Muang ground in front of City Hall, the Thai-Japanese Youth Centre in Din Daeng district, the public space beneath Ratchavibha Bridge near Soi Vibhavadi Rangsit 36 in Chatuchak district, the parking lot in front of Phra Khanong district office, the 72nd Anniversary Stadium in Min Buri district, the Chalerm Phrakiat Stadium in Thung Khru district and Monthon Phirom Park in Taling Chan district.
Rally organisers must notify the appropriate district office within a set time which will then ask officials responsible for overseeing rallies to facilitate the gathering and provide safety for the demonstrators.
However, critics were quick to point out that the designation of protest sites was nothing groundbreaking.
In fact, they said listing protest venues was the easy part. The real challenge was to draw protesters to the sites and keep them there for the duration of the protest.
However, the BMA is powerless to enforce the law to exact compliance from protesters. They would need the police to perform that job, which is what has been done previously.
The critics accused City Hall of announcing protest sites just for the sake of it. They had expected the governor to come up with substantive and practical measures that were effective enough to a certain extent to contain protests.
A clear example is the youth-led, anti-government protesters who frequently gathered at the Din Daeng intersection where riotous scenes were witnessed. The critics said it was far from adequate to come up with a half-baked measure that lacks teeth.
Despite the scepticism, the source noted Mr Chadchart has retained very strong support among Bangkok voters with his approachable and no-nonsense disposition.
Mr Chadchart's pledged political neutrality has captivated even some government supporters as well as the "orange" crowds -- the mostly young backers of the Move Forward Party, who identify with the governor's pro-democracy stance.
The source said a theory was floated where Mr Chadchart has tapped into the "orange" and pro-government pools of supporters and might possibly use them as a base for establishing his own party in the future.
Although Mr Chadchart has said he harbours no ambition to be prime minister, it is thought he might form a party of his own and lead it.
If he achieves as Bangkok governor, it would provide him with a strong foundation for setting up a political party which represents a force to be reckoned with.
The source said Mr Chadchart, a social media savvy figure, could beat the MFP at its own game by further heightening his appeal in social media and reaching out to many potential supporters and expanding his support base further.
The now-dissolved Future Forward Party (FFP), the MFP's predecessor, scored a resounding victory in the 2019 general election when it won 81 seats. The party, according to critics, employed the tactic of communicating its political messages to young voters via mainstay social media platforms including Facebook and Twitter, which were mostly untapped by other parties.
This virtually gave the FFP a free hand to reach out to young voters.
The FFP was later disbanded by the Constitutional Court for taking out an illegal loan extended by its leader, Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit.
A few hiccups along the way?
Political observers seem to agree there is nothing to stop the Pheu Thai Party from emerging victorious in the next election.
Abhisit: Doubts Pheu Thai's abilities
Buoyed by the two-ballot system and a new method to calculate party-list votes, Pheu Thai is widely expected to capture the largest number of House seats, if not stage a landslide victory.
However, they also know that winning does not necessarily mean the party will secure entry to Government House. Standing in its way is the 250-member Senate appointed by the now-defunct National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO).
Among those who believe Pheu Thai's path to power is not paved with gold is former prime minister and former Democrat leader Abhisit Vejjajiva.
Addressing a recent seminar on the future of Thai politics, Mr Abhisit said Section 272 of the constitution, which allows the Senate to join MPs in electing a prime minister, was a time-bomb.
If the section is not amended before the next election, a confrontation between a party commanding a House majority, which in this case would be Pheu Thai, and the coup-appointed senators would be inevitable.
"The party which is now in the opposition camp would command a House majority," Mr Abhisit said, referring to Pheu Thai.
"But there remains a problem. How can they form a government when Section 272 is retained? The next government may have to strike a compromise," Mr Abhisit said. The former premier is understood to mean a compromise in forming a government.
While a political compromise could help maintain government stability and ease conflict, it could come at a price, especially for those with social and economic reforms on their agenda, according to Mr Abhisit.
The ex-Democrat leader said drastic changes in various issues sought by progressive politicians might have to give way in such a deal.
And even though Pheu Thai could form a government without making any deal with its political rivals, the party is likely to face a pressing question from critics over its agenda, noted the former premier.
Pheu Thai stands accused of having the Shinawatra family's interest at heart and it is seen by many as a family-run party rather than a people's party with fugitive premier Thaksin Shinawatra allegedly pulling the strings.
Recently, Mr Abhisit raised concerns about Pheu Thai's agenda and while his comments drew fierce criticism from key party figures, none of them cared to allay his concerns and offer assurances that the party did not serve the Shinwatra family.
Critics also suspect that Pheu Thai might renew a campaign to bring home the ousted prime minister if it wins the next poll.
Thaksin fled overseas in 2008 shortly before the Supreme Court's Criminal Division for Holders of Political Positions sentenced him to two years in jail over abuse of authority related to his then-wife Khunying Potjaman na Pombejra having bought prime land in Bangkok at a heavy discount, allegedly with Thaksin's assistance.
In 2014, the government led by Yingluck Shinawatra, Thaksin's younger sister, faced massive protests led by the People's Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) when it proposed a blanket amnesty bill the previous year. The street protests eventually led to the 2014 coup that ousted the Pheu Thai-led administration.
The suspicion about a fresh amnesty bid has grown since Paetongtarn Shinawatra, Thaksin's youngest daughter, joined the party last year. She now leads the Pheu Thai Family project to clinch a landslide win and is believed to be a front-runner for the premiership.
Responding to the Senate's power in jointly selecting the prime minister, a highly-placed source in the Senate argued that senators should not be a worry for Pheu Thai -- if the party wins big in the next poll and acquires support from other parties to form a majority government.
The political landscape has changed and it may be time for the coup-appointed Senate to go with the flow, according to the source.
"Pheu Thai doesn't need a landslide victory. If it wins around 200 seats and gets support from other parties to form a majority, the Senate has to respect that.
"And there are as many as 80 senators who will not vote in line with the regime which turned itself into the Palang Pracharath Party [PPRP]," said the source.
According to the source, as things stand, the ruling PPRP will have a difficult time helping Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha return as premier after the next election. Its fortunes are in stark contrast to Pheu Thai's whose popularity is surging based on recent opinion polls.