As old saying goes; a picture is worth a thousand words, and one good picture tells the whole story and chain of events.
That picture was taken at a dinner hosted by former prime minister Somchai Wongsawat for Thaksin Shinawatra, former prime minister and his brother-in-law, and the incumbent PM Srettha Thavisin on Friday night.
The picture shows a smiling Thaksin, without his usual neck support that he has been seen wearing after he was released on parole late last month.
In that picture, widely published, Thaksin is flanked by Srettha on one side and Somchai on the other.
Thaksin -- a convict who was bed-ridden for six months -- is surprisingly even more radiant, youthful and healthier than Mr Somchai or even globetrotting PM Srettha.
Thaksin seems to be in rude health; there are no traces whatsoever to suggest that, about three weeks ago, he was declared to be a gravely sick man who could hardly help himself. That made him eligible to receive parole and a discharge from the Police General Hospital where he was bed-ridden for 180 days.
Truth never dies, so it is said. The truth about Thaksin's actual condition finally emerged when he made his three-day visit to his hometown in Chiang Mai on Thursday to pay respects to his late parents and perform several outdoor activities amid the peak of PM2.5 air pollution.
It defies all previous claims by Justice Minister Thavee Sodsong, director-general of the Corrections Department and the faceless doctors at the Police General Hospital that the former prime minister suffers from life-threatening illnesses.
Thaksin's busy schedule for his three-day visit to Chiang Mai did not suggest he was seriously sick or has just recovered from a prolonged life-threatening illness.
He was seen briskly walking unaided under the scorching sun, greeting a throng of his supporters, among them several red-shirt followers even amid Chiang Mai's horrendous air pollution.
That smiling face of Thaksin is, clearly, the face of a winner. The bigger question is who are the losers -- though we can guess. Among them are the justice minister, the Corrections Department head and some doctors at Police General Hospital, who vouched for Thaksin's serious illnesses.
His public appearance deals a blow to their credibility. Also defeated is the justice system that has become a farce in the eyes of average people.
If Thaksin had been more patient and kept a low profile a bit longer to give the impression that he was genuinely sick as written in the script, his doubters might be less sceptical about the true nature of his illnesses. True to form, Thaksin has to be the showboat. He has never been known as a man of patience, but a man who thinks fast and acts fast.
One glaring example was his quick tongue concerning the insurgent raid on an arms depot in Narathiwat in January 2004, which set the tone for his government's policy against the violence in the deep South and is widely seen as heralding the resumption of the current southern troubles.
Thaksin, then prime minister, quickly branded the robbers "small-time crooks", which can't have improved things.
If he had been more prudent, the Krue Se mosque and Tak Bai massacres in April 2004 and October of the same year, in which 32 and 85 Thai Muslims died, respectively, might have played out differently or even been avoided.
Although he did not directly gave orders for the military crackdowns in those cases, Thaksin, as head of the government, must bear some responsibility.
Political pundits said Thaksin had a political agenda for his visit to Chiang Mai, which is to try to shore up support for the Pheu Thai Party after the party's defeat in last May election to the Move Forward Party.
A recent Nida poll said Thaksin is the most influential figure in Thai politics. But whether this opinion will turn into votes in future elections is another question.
The political landscape has changed during Thaksin's absence. The Pheu Thai Party has lost its influence and its popularity is declining, especially among the new generation. It lacks a charismatic leader who can inspire young people eagerly yearning for changes, especially if it wants to compete with the Move Forward Party.
But judging from the small number of ageing red-shirt followers that showed up to welcome him in Chiang Mai without the presence of the key members of the now defunct red-shirt movement, it appears Thaksin's influence has waned. Where have all the young people gone? Were they not excited with Thaksin's return to his hometown province? Where were the former red-shirt leaders?
The red-shirt movement is fragmented and virtually non-existent, with its former leaders disillusioned, and feeling betrayed or abandoned by the Pheu Thai Party. Moreover, the unprecedented special treatment accorded to Thaksin may backfire on him and the Pheu Thai Party among people who despise such double standards.
Of course, it was not Thaksin's fault if he was given VVIP treatment. At least, Prime Minister Srettha should be held partially accountable for looking the other way as his officials in the Justice Ministry, the Corrections Department and the Police General Hospital shielded Thaksin with fabricated narratives about his condition.
Double standards aside, one disturbing question begs an answer, from Thaksin if possible: Will Thaksin stage a political comeback to resurrect the Pheu Thai Party?
Or wlll he spend a peaceful life with his loved ones and watch from the sidelines as an observer or a spectator who may, from time to time, offer his advice to the government?
Happiness lies at home, as he said the other day to reporters in Chiang Mai. Let's hope he means what he says and takes his own advice. He needs to walk away gracefully while there are people who still love and admire him.
Veera Prateepchaikul is former editor, Bangkok Post.