Starting today, the parliament will play a crucial role in examining -- amid dimmed hopes -- possible solutions which would allow the country to peacefully exit the political stalemate.
The two-day extraordinary parliamentary session was initiated by the opposition in accordance with Section 123 of the constitution, which recognises the role of the legislative body in averting a national crisis. The move was endorsed by the Prayut Chan-o-cha government.
It is the first time the parliament has taken up such a role since it came together following last year's election.
As the MPs set out for their debate, street demonstrations look set to continue. As of press time yesterday, anti-government protesters were turning up in force at Ratchaprasong intersection. They vowed to carry out another rally at Sam Yan and march to the German Embassy on Sathorn Road today, pushing their demand for the PM's resignation.
Today, factions from opposite sides of the political spectrum will gather, raising the risk of confrontation, just as we saw on Oct 14, when scuffles broke out after key figures of yellow-shirted groups led crowds to the protest site.
Yesterday, Taya Teepsuwan, a core leader of the now-defunct PDRC and wife of Education Minister Nataphol, called on people to put on yellow attire and converge in front of Lumpini Park. Calls for such mobilisation has been reported across the country, which is a real cause for worry.
Last week, the embattled PM urged all parties to step back and make a compromise. He then revoked the contentious emergency decree, as he had promised.
But that was not enough as the anti-government movement was adamant that he must go. Such a strong view is shared by several well-respected scholars, which cited several past mistakes committed by the prime minister -- including his failure to leave politics as he promised during the 2014 coup.
It won't be as easy to quell public anger as the PM had hoped, because despite his friendly gestures, police and security forces are still out there, heavy-handedly dealing with activists. Lest we forget, there were also attempts by the Ministry of Digital Economy and Society to curb press freedom.
The situation will get worse as opposite sides continue to provoke each other, and further confrontations look inevitable.
With the protests turning into a largely leaderless rally, it won't be easy for the government to negotiate -- a set-back given how it has been over-confident (if not, arrogant) in dealing with its opponents given it controls all state mechanisms.
It remains unclear how the MPs will go about solving the predicament, as the topics are tough, especially monarchy reforms.
In principle, they must realise the enormity of the task at hand. This isn't a time to defend the status quo or engage in political games. Both MPs and senators must abandon their typical demagoguery and rhetoric which are aimed at maximising political gains.
That said, the government's past performance in similar debates does not bode well for the success of the talks. We don't have to look far for an example -- last year's charter rewrite debate didn't succeed as it showed the government was insincere about change. And it is this insincerity which landed the government in trouble today.
Among the issues which could obstruct today's debate is the time allocation. The fact that the opposition gets eight hours, while the cabinet, coalition and senate get five hours each, is disproportionate, if not unfair.
Besides, the fact the ruling Palang Pracharath Party has decided to field controversial MPs like Sira Jenjaka and Pareena Kraikupt in the debate means the PPRP gives little, if any, importance to the mechanism.
Both MPs have no qualms about promoting a divide, as evidenced on Oct 14, when they shamelessly lied before the cameras to accuse anti-government demonstrators of blocking the royal motorcade. Not only did this spark the anger of royalists, it was also an attempt to draw the monarchy into politics.
Some scholars and politicians are pessimistic about the debate's chances. I hope they are wrong. Of course, the coalition has enough support to survive in parliament. But that doesn't mean it would survive politically. More importantly, Gen Prayut should know, a victory for the government or himself could be a loss for the country.
Ploenpote Atthakor is editorial pages editor, Bangkok Post.