On the surface, it may look as if Thai politics has entered a new chapter as those on the opposite sides of the political spectrum have allied, leaving the real poll winner, the Move Forward Party (MFP), out in the cold.
The new coalition encompassing 11 political parties led by Srettha Thavisin gives an impression that the arch-enemies had already reached a contentious "deal" ahead of the May 14 election, which secured places for the "uncle" parties in the new government in exchange for fugitive ex-PM Thaksin Shinawatra's homecoming.
In other words, such an alliance marks the end of long-standing hostility between the conservative side and the red shirts, which began in 2006 when Thaksin was ousted from power. Without substantial support from the Senate, Mr Srettha -- a political rookie who has never contested as an MP in an election -- could never have made it this far.
However, the premiership vote on Tuesday suggests a rift between two Senate factions, one under the leash of Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha and the other under Gen Prawit Wongsuwon's control.
The Prayut faction in the Senate, led by his young brother Preecha Chan-o-cha, gave the nod to Mr Srettha. Despite Palang Pracharath's resolution to support the Pheu Thai candidate, Gen Prawit was surprisingly absent from the session. In fact, he was nowhere to be seen until yesterday.
According to political pundits, vote scores clearly show Gen Prayut's success in shooting down his big brother's political ambitions. There had been wild speculation that Gen Prawit had waited for a chance to be nominated as PM by his Palang Pracharath Party (PPRP) had Pheu Thai failed to gather enough votes from the joint sitting of the two Houses.
Those surrounding Gen Prawit made him believe he was fit for the top job, as that would enable them to grab the political cake. They gave the old and frail man a push, ignoring the fact that Gen Prawit was not capable, given his poor health. With such false hope, Gen Prawit managed to have senators in his camp vote against Mr Srettha.
Indeed, Gen Prayut and his brother-in-arms have not seen eye to eye for some time. The rift began when the former booted Thamanat Prompow, Gen Prawit's right-hand man, from the cabinet and the PPRP. During the election campaign, the two generals also competed against each other.
After nearly a decade in power, Gen Prayut needs a soft landing or a shield from retrospective scrutiny by his political enemies, especially the MFP, which vowed to hold him to account for his administration's shortcomings. If the United Thai Nation (UTN) Party, now under Gen Prayut's close aide Pirapan Salirathavibhaga, was in the coalition, that would not be possible. This is the difference between the two ex-junta men. Gen Prawit tried hard to linger on, but his hopes were dashed as Gen Prayut and Thaksin agreed to kiss and make up.
The unlikely alliance of former foes was confirmed on Thursday when Mr Srettha, accompanied by Mr Pirapan, a close aide of Gen Prayut, made a courtesy call on the outgoing PM. The successor eloquently praised Gen Prayut for his leadership and vowed to work together.
Before the May 14 election, such a get-together was anything but thinkable. Mr Srettha and Gen Prayut represent two opposite sides of political ideologies, arch-enemies who would never reconcile. This reminds me of the much-quoted maxim: no permanent friends or enemies, just interests in politics. It's a success for the UTN as the party reportedly gets quite a big chunk in cabinet formation, energy, industry and perhaps the defence portfolio.
Lest we forget, Thaksin gave a clear signal that UTN would come before PPRP when forming a coalition. This is because Thaksin is well aware that an alliance with Gen Prawit and the PPRP, and handing the premiership to the latter, would not be worth it as that would see Pheu Thai further lose its support base.
The party's popularity went downhill after it broke with the MFP. Thaksin also reportedly has a solid connection with big bosses in the energy empire that finances the UTN.
Above all, it's said that the PPRP made unrealistic demands regarding cabinet portfolios. The party wanted Pol Gen Patcharawat Wongsuwon, Gen Prawit's younger brother and the party's chief policy adviser, to oversee the Royal Thai Police, plus the interior and defence ministries.
Pheu Thai turned down all the demands as a punishment to renegade senators who voted against Mr Srettha. This is why UTN gets equal cabinet seats with four fewer MPs than PPRP. Of course, shaking hands with the two "uncle" parties would come at a high cost for Pheu Thai. The pro-democracy masses are disheartened and have withdrawn support.
But Pheu Thai still chose to go ahead. At least, it might think that by doing so, the head of the Shinawatra clan could return and get VIP treatment in prison. That Thaksin only spent a short time behind bars before being moved to the Police Hospital hardly surprises anyone.
Thaksin is to serve eight years for three counts. Some have speculated that the term may be markedly reduced given that he is over 70 years of age, plus he might seek a royal pardon. Altogether, he might serve two years at the most. But such a favour can be secured only if Pheu Thai is in power.
Besides, Pheu Thai may think that the alliance with the old powers, major opponents such as the People's Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) or the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) and those in independent agencies would spare Thaksin. His arch enemies like Sondhi Limthongkul and Suthep Thaugsuban seemed not bothered by his return.
But are Pheu Thai and Thaksin too optimistic? Key whistleblowers are irritated with the VIP treatment extended to Thaksin and lodged complaints against state agencies like the Corrections Department for mishandling the case.
It should be noted that some still believe this might be a trap for Thaksin and Pheu Thai. After the conservative side gets all it wants, particularly the break-up between Pheu Thai and MFP, the head of the Shinawatra clan may finally find himself behind bars.
But if Thaksin made the right choice in making peace with the old powers, his success came at the cost of Thai society -- the casualties during protests that turned violent, the loss of public trust in the rule of law and judicial process distorted over the past years as conflicts dragged on.
Yet, Thaksin and the old powers must know they can't avoid how their dubious alliance has aroused public awareness about the state of democracy in the nation. They will have to face a challenge by pro-democracy forces and the MFP, who are supported by over 14 million voters and more from those disheartened by such a contentious deal.