It's clear that the Democrat Party, under new leader Chalermchai Sri-on, remains in crisis and will struggle to recover past glory.
Mr Chalermchai won the leadership contest, the third of its kind, on Dec 9 after the process had been stalled for more than six months.
The previous two races, which followed the resignation of Jurin Laksanawisit, collapsed. Mr Jurin resigned following the May 14 elections in which the party suffered a major loss, with only 25 MPs, or 5% of the 500-strong House of Representatives, making it to parliament.
This is an unprecedented failure for Thailand's oldest party. In its heyday in 2007, the party could secure 14 million votes for list MPs before dropping to 11.4 million in 2011 and plunging to 3.94 million in 2019. In the May 14 elections, the party finished with a little over 929,300 votes. It lost 13 million supporters in 16 years.
Established in 1946, the Democrats were more than a political party. The party used to take pride in being a political institution, which included playing a leading role against the military and parliamentary dictatorship of Thaksin Shinawatra, who rose to power in the early 2000s.
It has no party owners or big bosses, and the election of its leaders and executives is always a fierce race. But the Dec 9 leadership election saw a severe rift, with several members breaking away from the party after Abhisit Vejjajiva, a former party leader, resigned.
Mr Abhisit was supported by the party's spiritual leader, Chuan Leekpai, to challenge Mr Chalermchai in the race. However, Mr Chuan lost his touch as 21 out of 25 MPs who voted for Mr Chalermchai belonged to the new faction.
Those who resigned from the Democrat Party this time are veteran politicians who had a role in its progress over the past decades. They are disheartened by Mr Chalermchai's lack of principles in refusing to carry on with the party's anti-Thaksin stance. The new leader made it no secret that he wanted the party to join the Pheu Thai-led coalition.
Meanwhile, Dech-it Khaothong, a key Democrat member, conceded that he saw Thaksin in Hong Kong when Pheu Thai was forming a coalition.
By taking the party helm, Mr Chalermchai reneged on his vow as then secretary general that he would forever quit politics if the party could not secure 50 seats in the last poll.
From the legendary party of the South, the Democrats have monumentally declined and, given the party's internal crisis, may shrink even further in the next election.
But the party's poor performance in the May 14 election was no surprise. Its four years as a coalition party with the government under Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha were almost a waste. The party, despite a few ministers in cabinet, was a pale comparison to Gen Prayut's strong leadership. Along the way, the party's brand, based on its anti-coup and pro-democracy ideals, went down the drain. So did its dignity.
It lost much of its stronghold in the South -- where it was once the dominant party -- to other parties, almost all of whom were allies in the Prayut government. It's said that many Democrat supporters, particularly those in the South, favoured Gen Prayut, a conservative leader with no corruption scandals. With a clean sheet, Gen Prayut was on par with Mr Chuan in the eyes of southern voters.
The party has a worse situation in Bangkok, where it had formerly secured sizeable support. It suffered a total loss, with zero seats in the May 14 election.
Now that its glory as Thailand's major political party is gone, it's highly possible that Mr Chalermchai, who is waiting to become a coalition partner, is okay with the Democrats being a small-medium party. This does make it easier to shake hands with other political heavyweights seeking to fill the void in the coalition formation process. In joining the coalition, the party can get 4-5 cabinet seats, which is better than nothing.
But Mr Chalermchai's aspiration for cabinet partnership may not be quickly completed given that the current coalition is too stable, and no parties would want to walk out, with the Democrats waiting on the side.
More importantly, the Democrat Party under Mr Chalermchai has a few challenges.
Southern geopolitics has changed tremendously in recent times. The region has welcomed other parties. Southern voters have turned their back on the Democrats as they choose the parties that pay attention to their economic well-being, Pheu Thai among them.
Meanwhile, a change in the leader's political stance makes the party lose its identity, and as for Mr Chuan, he even lost his charm in Trang, his hometown.
It cannot deliver its policies as an opposition party and thus has little chance to serve its voters. Now that the party has no ideologies or a clear identity, there are no selling points.
Mr Chalermchai may think a smaller Democrat Party is better for him as it's much easier to manage. This means the party is willing to take the same direction as the Social Action Party or Chart Thai by having more chances to take on a filler role.
But such an idea may not be good, not at least for the long term. The Move Forward Party is distinct regarding ideologies, while other parties fare better in cabinet performance. With competent rivals, Mr Chalermchai cannot afford to be complacent for too long, or the party may find itself with no place in politics.